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Amighetti, Sara; Nuti, Alasia (2016)
Languages: English
Types: Article
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    • 1. For more detailed data on the United Kingdom, see Office for National Statistics, Immigration Patterns of Non-UK Born Populations in England and Wales in 2011, Newport, 2013, http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/dcp171776_346219.pdf (accessed April 12, 2014); on France, see Institut National de la Statistique et des Études Économiques, Immigrés et Descendants D'immigrés En France, Paris, 2012, http://www.insee.fr/fr/ffc/docs_ffc/ref/IMMFRA12_g_Flot1_pop.pdf. (accessed April 12, 2014).
    • 2. Instituto Nacional de Estatìstica, A População Estrangeira Em Portugal, Lisbon, 2011, http://www.ine.pt/xportal/xmain?xpid=INE&xpgid=ine_destaques& DESTAQUESdest_boui=107625317&DESTAQUESmodo=2. (accessed April 12, 2014).
    • 3. Hans van Amersfoort and Mies van Niekerk, “Immigration as a Colonial Inheritance: Post-Colonial Immigrants in the Netherlands, 1945-2002,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 32, no. 3 (2006): 335.
    • 4. Christian Joppke, Selecting by Origin: Ethnic Migration in the Liberal State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 114-44.
    • 5. Ibid., 28.
    • 6. Arash Abizadeh, “Democratic Theory and Border Coercion: No Right to Unilaterally Control Your Own Borders,” Political Theory 36, no. 1 (2008): 37-75; and Joseph Carens, “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders,” The Review of Politics 49, no. 2 (1987): 251-73; The Ethics of Immigration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); Sarah Fine, Immigration and the Right to Exclude (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming).
    • 7. Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 48-51. For an exception, see Christopher Heath Wellman, “Immigration and Freedom of Association,” Ethics 119, no. 1 (2008): 128.
    • 8. David Miller, National Responsibility and Global Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 223.
    • 9. Colonialism in this essay refers to the European-inspired project of subjugating other nations to alien control, which took place from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries. For length-constraints we cannot account for the nature of so-called neocolonialism and neo-imperialism. For a recent contribution on this within analytical political theory see Richard Miller, Globalizing Justice: The Ethics of Poverty and Power (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), chaps. 5-7.
    • 10. Sometimes civic nationalism or constitutional patriotism, i.e., the mere loyalty to political (liberal) institutions, is considered a strand of liberal nationalism. In this essay, liberal nationalism is understood as a theory that attempts to merge the significance of national identity with liberal values. For a taxonomy, see Chaim Gans, The Limits of Nationalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 29.
    • 11. David Miller, “Justice in Immigration,” European Journal of Political Theory, forthcoming.
    • 12. Ibid.
    • 13. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 73; Margaret Moore, The Ethics of Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 36; and Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 96.
    • 14. Margaret Moore, “Defending Community: Nationalism, Patriotism, and Culture,” in Ethics and World Politics, ed. Duncan Bell (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), 136.
    • 15. Miller, On Nationality, 43.
    • 16. Ernest Renan quoted in Gans, The Limits of Nationalism, 11.
    • 17. Ethnicity, on the contrary, is not regarded by liberal nationalists as a necessary component of national identity. See Ibid., 15; Miller, On Nationality, 20; and Moore, The Ethics of Nationalism, 6.
    • 18. Moore, The Ethics of Nationalism, 12, 17; and Gans, The Limits of Nationalism, 49.
    • 19. Miller, On Nationality, 23.
    • 20. Gans, The Limits of Nationalism, 28-29; and Miller, On Nationality, 23.
    • 21. Farid Abdel-Nour, “National Responsibility,” Political Theory 31, no. 5 (2003): 693-719; and Miller, National Responsibility and Global Justice, 6.
    • 22. Gans, The Limits of Nationalism, 130; David Miller, “Immigration: The Case for Limits,” in Contemporary Debates in Applied Ethics, ed. Andrew Cohen and Christopher Wellman (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 202; and National Responsibility and Global Justice, 218-19.
    • 23. Daniel Butt, Rectifying International Injustice: Principles of Compensation and Restitution Between Nations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); Catherine Lu, “Colonialism as Structural Injustice: Historical Responsibility and Contemporary Redress,” Journal of Political Philosophy 19, no. 3 (2011): 261-81; Kok-Chor Tan, “Colonialism, Reparations and Global Justice,” in Reparations: Interdisciplinary Inquiries, ed. Jon Miller and Rahul Kumar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 280-306; and Lea Ypi, “What's Wrong with Colonialism,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 41, no. 2 (2013): 158-91.
    • 24. Rajeev Bhargava, “How Should We Respond to the Cultural Injustice of Colonialism?,” in Reparations: Interdisciplinary Inquiries, ed. Jon Miller and Rahul Kumar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 216; and Albert Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized (Boston: Beacon Press, 1991), 6.
    • 25. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Outside in the Teaching Machine (New York: Routledge, 2009), 61.
    • 26. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles L. Markmann (London: Pluto Press, 1967), 40.
    • 27. Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized, 148.
    • 28. Aimé Césaire, Discourse on Colonialism, trans. Joan Pinkham (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), 42.
    • 29. Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 2004).
    • 30. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? (London: Zed Books, 1986).
    • 31. Ashis Nandy, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983), 4-11.
    • 32. Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).
    • 33. Memmi, The Colonizer and the Colonized, 100.
    • 34. Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), 8.
    • 35. Moore, The Ethics of Nationalism, 57.
    • 36. Timothy Brennan, “The National Longing for Form,” in Nation and Narration, ed. Homi K. Bhabha (New York: Routledge, 1990), 49-50; see also Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, 2nd ed. (London: Verso Books, 1991), 25.
    • 37. Said, Culture and Imperialism, xiii.
    • 38. Ibid., 20-35; 159-95.
    • 39. Edward Said, “Always on Top,” London Review of Books, March 20, 2003.
    • 40. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 15.
    • 41. Thomas Hurka, “The Justification of National Partiality,” in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 150-52.
    • 42. See Lea Ypi, Robert Goodin, and Christian Barry, “Associative Duties, Global Justice, and the Colonies,” Philosophy & Public Affairs 37, no. 2 (2009): 121-22.
    • 43. Said, Culture and Imperialism, 36.
    • 49. Joppke, Selecting by Origin, 104-11.
    • 50. Ibid., 144-49.
    • 51. We thank Tom Theuns for helping us formulate this point.
    • 52. Said, “Always on Top.”
    • 53. For a detailed analysis of this policy and similar ones, see Joppke, Selecting by Origin, 111-44.
    • 54. See, e.g., Sune Laegaard, “David Miller on Immigration Policy and Nationality,” Journal of Applied Philosophy 24, no. 3 (2007): 289-94; and Jacob Levy, “National and Statist Responsibility,” Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11, no. 4 (2008): 485-99.
    • 55. Miller, National Responsibility and Global Justice, 112-13.
    • 56. Jean Starobinski, Blessings in Disguise; Or, The Morality of Evil, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 1-35.
    • 57. Brett Bowden, The Empire of Civilization: The Evolution of an Imperial Idea (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 103-4.
    • 58. Ibid., chap. 8. See also Marvin L. Astrada, American Power After 9/11 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 23-38.
    • 59. We refer in particular to the political accession criteria for membership to the EU (“Copenhagen Criteria”), which include the rule of law, respect for human rights, the protection of minorities, and stable democratic institutions.
    • 60. Although our discussion rejects the existence of a postcolonial right to enter into the EU, it does not exclude that immigrants entering one of the EU memberstates on the basis of our postcolonial right may enjoy free movement within the EU. In our case, the enjoyment of free movement is not directly accorded by the right to immigrate, but it depends on other factors, e.g., the speed of citizenship acquisition or the availability of being granted a Schengen visa upon entrance in that member-state. We thank an anonymous referee for inviting us to discuss the civilization framework.
    • 61. This line of argument is similar to Joseph Carens, “Who Should Get In? The Ethics of Immigration Admissions,” Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 1 (2003): 110.
    • 62. There are some notable exceptions; see e.g., Duncan Ivison, Postcolonial Liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002); and Margaret Kohn, “Postcolonialism and Global Justice,” Journal of Global Ethics 9, no. 2 (2013): 187-200.
    • 63. Robert Young, Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 6.
    • 64. Duncan Ivison, “Postcolonialism and Political Theory,” in Political Theory: Tradition and Diversity, ed. Andrew Vincent (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 156.
    • 65. We borrow this broad understanding of analytical political theory from Philip Pettit, “Analytical Philosophy,” in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin, Philip Pettit, and Thomas Pogge, 2nd ed., vol. 1 (Oxford: Blackwell, 2007), 5. Note that the reference to the dominance of the liberal paradigm should also be understood broadly as to include positions, like realism and neo-republicanism, that tend to distinguish themselves from the liberal paradigm more narrowly conceived.
    • 66. E.g., Lu, “Colonialism as Structural Injustice”; Ypi, “What's Wrong with Colonialism”; Ypi, Goodin, and Barry, “Associative Duties, Global Justice, and the Colonies.”
    • 67. To the extent that we do so, we side with recent contributions that attempt to overcome the state of indifference between these literatures. See note 62.
    • 68. To be sure, postcolonial theorists relate with ambivalence to the concept of the nation, as we have discussed in note 44.
    • 69. Pettit, “Analytical Philosophy,” 7.
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