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fbtwitterlinkedinvimeoflicker grey 14rssslideshare1
Languages: English
Types: Unknown
Subjects: HIS

Classified by OpenAIRE into

ACM Ref: ComputingMilieux_COMPUTERSANDEDUCATION
Paper given at History in Schools and Higher Education: Issues of Common Concern (second conference)
  • The results below are discovered through our pilot algorithms. Let us know how we are doing!

    • [1] K. Darian-Smith, L. Gunner and S. Nuttall, Text, Theory, Space (London, 1996), R. Grove, Green Imperialism (Cambridge, 1995), M.L. Pratt, Imperial eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992).
    • [2] See for example S. Schama, Landscape and Memory (London, 1996). Older studies include the masterful intellectual history by C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore: Nature and Culture in Western Thought from Ancient Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1967) and R. Williams, The Country and the City (St. Albans, 1975).
    • [3] F. Sargent, Hippocratic Heritage: a History of Ideas about Weather and Human Health (New York, 1982). On tropical medicine and climate there is a considerable literature: see for example M. Harrison, Disease and Climate in India and the West Indies', Bulletin for the History of Medicine, 70 (Spring 1996), 68-93 and 94-118; K.O. Kupperman, 'Fear of hot climates in the Anglo-American colonial experience', William and Mary Quarterly, 41(2) (April 1984), 213-40 and earlier articles by her. On temperate colonies see M. Fairbairn, The Ideal Society and its Enemies: the Foundations of Modern New Zealand Society (Auckland, 1989) (1989), 640-58; G. Puckrein, 'Climate, Health and Black Labor in the English Americas', Journal of American Studies, X111(1979), 179-93; On science, climate and nationalism see M. Cueto, 'Andean Biology in Peru: Scientific Styles on the Periphery', Isis, 80(304), 640-58.
    • [4] D. Kennedy, 'Climatic Theories and Culture in Colonial Kenya and Rhodesia', Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth Studies, X(1) (1981), 50-66.
    • [5] See T. Ranger, 'New Approaches to African Landscape' (unpublished paper, 1997); L. Shumaker, 'Constructing Racial Landscapes: Africans, Administrators and Anthropologists in Late Colonial Northern Rhodesia' in P. Pels and O. Salemink (eds.), Colonial Subjects: Genealogies of Practical Anthropology (Michigan, forthcoming).
    • [6] See H.J. Deacon, 'Introduction' in H.J. Deacon (ed.) The Island: A History of Robben Island, 1488-1992 for a discussion of representations of the island as Heaven, Hell and Purgatory.
    • [7] N. Penn, 'Robben Island 1488-1805' in H.J. Deacon (ed.) The Island: A History of Robben Island, 1488-1992 (Cape Town, 1996).
    • [8] 'Report on Robben Island', 6 Jan. 1844 in 'Papers respecting a plan for improving the discipline of convicts at the Cape of Good Hope, received during the years 1843 and 1844', Great Britain, Accounts and Papers, 1847, XLVIII, 359-458, p.449.
    • [9] J.L. Meltzer, 'The Growth of Cape Town Commerce and the Role of John Fairbairn's Advertiser 1835-1859' (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989), p.162.
    • [10] W.A. Newman, Biographical Memoir of John Montagu with a Sketch of Some of the Public Affairs Connected with the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope during his Administration as Colonial Secretary from 1843 to 1853 (London, 1855), p.16.
    • [11] A.W.P. Pinkerton, 'Introductory Lecture on Climate' (Edinburgh medical school, Edinburgh, 1857), p.11.
    • [12] A.W.P. Pinkerton, 'Introductory Lecture on Climate', pp.22, 29. Although an island, Robben Island was thought to provide cold rather than warm climatic conditions.
    • [13] H. Deacon, 'A History of the Medical Institutions on Robben Island, 1846-1910' (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994), pp.58,64.
    • [14] J. Holman, A Voyage around the World 2 vols. (London, 1834), vol.2, p.144 and D.C. de Waal, Debates in House of Assembly, 15 August 1899, CA, CO 7509.
    • [15] Debates in Parliament, 3 Dec. 1866, Cape Archives, Cape Town (hereafter CA), CCP 3/2/3, p.45.
    • [21] V. Nutton, 'Humoralism' in W.F. Bynum and R. Porter (eds.) Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (London, 1993), 281-91, p.288.
    • [22] C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp.429, 502, 566, 620-22. See also M. Harrison, Public Health in British India (Cambridge, 1994), p.38.
    • [23] C. Hannaway, 'Environment and Miasmata', p.299.
    • [24] C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp.480-84, 661.
    • [25] V. Nutton, 'Humoralism', p.289; C. Hannaway, 'Environment and Miasmata', p.293.
    • [26] C. Hannaway, 'Environment and Miasmata', p.302.
    • [27] D. Kennedy, 'Climatic Theories and Culture', pp.50, 55 makes the same point.
    • [28] This was generally true in Europe, but is particularly noticeable in tropical medicine. See M. Harrison, Public Health in British India, pp.53-57. D. Kennedy shows in 'Climatic Theories and Culture', p.58 that climatic theories were still prevalent in psychiatry during the 1930s.
    • [29] C. Hannaway, 'Environment and Miasmata', p.302; see also R. Grove, Green Imperialism, pp.42-45.
    • [30] M. Harrison, Public Health in British India, pp.39, 43-44. See also M. Worboys, 'Tropical Diseases' in W.F. Bynum and R. Porter (eds.) Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (London, 1993), 511-36.
    • [31] Sir Harry Johnston, Commissioner for the British Central African Protectorate, made this point explicitly in his introduction to Dr. Kerr Cross, Health in Africa: a medical handbook for European travellers and residents (London, 1897), p.vii.
    • [32] A.W. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: the Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900 (Cambridge, 1986).
    • [33] C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, pp.440-41.
    • [34] On British experiences in tropical environments, see articles by M. Harrison and W. Anderson in Bulletin for the History of Medicine, 70 (Spring 1996).
    • [35] C.J. Glacken, Traces on the Rhodian Shore, p.440-41.
    • [56] Anon., Gleanings in Africa: Exhibiting a faithful and correct View of the Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1806), p.46. See also N. Polson, A Subaltern's Sick Leave (Calcutta, 1837), p.80.
    • [57] See for example M. Marshall, 'The Growth and Development of Cape Town' (unpublished UCT M.A. thesis, 1940); W.W. Bird, The State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822 (Cape Town, 1966), p.140.
    • [58] Sir G.M. Keith, A Voyage to South America and the Cape of Good Hope (London, 1819), p.58.
    • [59] J.M. Coetzee, White Writing: on the Culture of Letters in South Africa (London, 1988), chapter 2.
    • [60] On Paarl as a resort see Letters to the Editor, South African Commercial Advertiser, 23 Dec. 1826.
    • [61] S.N. Eaton, Journal by Sarah Norman Eaton _ of a voyage to the Cape _ (Mimeograph, Pretoria, 1953), pp.66, 68.
    • [62] W.J. Black, 'On the sanitary state of Cape Town', The Sanitary Record, 17 Aug. 1877.
    • [63] 'How girls live', Cape Times, 4 Sept. 1897.
    • [64] On the importance of protecting women from the dangers of the city in America see S. Rothman, Woman's Proper Place: a History of changing Ideals and Practices 1870 to the Present (New York, 1978), chapter 1.
    • [65] Memorial of T. Suter, 6 May 1820, Memorials 1820, CA, CO 3918.
    • [66] J. Holman, A Voyage around the World, vol.2, p.144.
    • [67] H. Deacon, 'A History of the Medical Institutions on Robben Island', p.58.
    • [68] H. Deacon, 'A History of the Medical Institutions on Robben Island', p.64.
    • [69] Medical Committee Report, 'Report on the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1856', CPP, G4- 1857, Cape Parliamentary Papers (hereafter CPP), p.2.
    • [70] 'Reports on the Somerset Hospital and the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1855', CPP, G12- 1856, p.8.
    • [71] 'Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the General Infirmary and Lunatic Asylum on Robben Island' (hereafter Commission of 1861-2), CPP, G31-1862, pp.14, 50.
    • [72] Dr. Minto, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, pp.10, 12.
    • [73] D.C. de Waal, Debates in House of Assembly, 15 August 1899, CA, CO 7509. D.C. de Waal complained that the lepers should be removed to the mainland.
    • [74] Dr. A.M. Neethling of Beaufort West, Debates in House of Assembly 1912, CA, SRP 1/3/3, pp.1075-77.
    • [75] D.C. de Waal, Debates in House of Assembly, 15 August 1899, CA, CO 7509. Tuberculosis sufferers were generally thought to benefit more from the drier up-country air. See Johnson to UCS, 4 June 1904, Health Branch Folio G11d, CA, CO 7967.
    • [76] Petition from European lepers, 8 May 1908, Health Branch, CA, CO 8053.
    • [77] Annual Report on Robben Island for 1913, CPP, UG 24- 1913, p.6.
    • [78] Cape Geographical Society Report, Cape Times, 7 November 1934.
    • [82] M. Waters, The Garden in Victorian Literature (Aldershot, 1988), pp.150, 154.
    • [80] A. Digby, Madness, Morality and Medicine: a Study of the York Retreat 1796-1914 (Cambridge, 1985), pp.2-3, 6.
    • [81] On this issue, see C. Philo, '"Fit Localities for an Asylum": the Historical Geography of the Nineteenth-Century Mad-Business in England as Viewed through the Pages of the Asylum Journal, Journal of Historical Geography, 13(4) (1987), 398-415.
    • [85] W.A.F. Browne in A. Scull (ed.), The Asylum as Utopia: W.A.F. Browne and the Mid-Nineteenth Century Consolidation of Psychiatry (London, 1991), p.199.
    • [86] Addendum to Report on the Inquiry of 1853 in 'Report of the Select Committee on and documents connected with, the Robben Island Establishment', CPP, A37-1855, p.65.
    • [87] Dr. Minto, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.14.
    • [88] Memorial of Fairbairn et al., 14 Dec. 1858, Memorials received by Colonial Office, CA, CO 4102, doc.46.
    • [89] Report, Commission of 1861-2, p.ix.
    • [90] Dr. Minto, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.14.
    • [91] Pierce, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.111 and Coventry, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.121.
    • [93] 'Replies to Questions put to the Colonial Government by the Home Office relating to conditions in Lunatic Asylums', CPP, A9-1865, pp.6-7.
    • [94] 'Report on the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1863', CPP, G3-1864, p.12.
    • [95] Biccard to Colonial Secretary, 22 Jan. 1880, Colonial Office Correspondence, CA, CO 1125.
    • [96] Chaplain's Report, 'Report on the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1878', CPP, G19-1879, p.8.
    • [97] Chaplain's Report, 'Report on the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1880', CPP, G22-1881, p.6.
    • [98] Chaplain's Report, 'Report on the General Infirmary, Robben Island, for the year 1882', CPP, G29-1883, p.6.
    • [99] Ross to Under Colonial Secretary (UCS), 17 Feb. 1880, Colonial Office Correspondence, CA, CO 1414.
    • [100] 'Report on ... Robben Island Asylum' in 'Reports on the Government-aided Hospitals [etc.]... for 1893', CPP, G24- 1894, pp.92, 94.
    • [101] 'Report on ... Valkenberg Asylum' in 'Reports of the Medical Committee [etc.]... for 1891', CPP, G36-1892, p.5.
    • [102] P. Fletcher, Gardens and Grim Ravines: the Language of Landscape in Victorian Poetry (Princeton, 1983), p.7.
    • [103] M. Bunce, The Countryside Ideal: Anglo-American Images of Landscape (London, 1994), p.32.
    • [104] Gerts, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, pp.217-18. Verreaux, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.190, said that their gardens had failed.
    • [105] Moos, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, p.196.
    • [106] Gerts, Minutes of evidence, Commission of 1861-2, pp.217 and Hudson to Smith, 15 Dec. 1843, Colonial Office Correspondence, CA, CO 4372.
    • [107] The lepers protested at the loss of their stock and gardens on leaving the settlement. P. La Trobe, in a letter to the Cape Governor (24 June 1845, Government House Despatches, CA, GH 1/171) noted how the missionaries had relieved the lepers' 'spiritual and temporal destitution' and encouraged them to make gardens.
    • [108] The Chaplain noted in 1879 that only four lepers had their own plots in the communal garden (Chaplain's Diaries, 22 Jan. 1879, Johannesburg, University of the Witwatersrand Manuscripts Collection (UWMC), AB 1162). Only a few of them gardened because the soil was too dry and they had no seeds (12 Dec. 1879): the chaplain took them some seeds (10 March 1880).
    • [109] Ross, Minutes of Evidence, 'Select Committee inquiring into the spread of leprosy', CPP, G3-1889, p.36.
    • [110] Neethling and Wilcocks, Debates in House of Assembly, 12 March 1912, CA, SRP 1/3/3, pp.1075-77.
    • [111] 'Report on ... Robben Island' in 'Reports on the Government-aided Hospitals and Asylums and Report of the Inspector of Asylums for 1892', CPP, G17-1893, p.88.
    • [112] Chabaud to UCS, 20 June 1907, Robben Island Papers, CA, RI 69.
    • [113] 'Report on ... Robben Island' in 'Reports on the Government-aided Hospitals [etc.]... for 1899', CPP, G25- 1900, p.89.
    • [114] Cowper to Chabaud, 8 Oct. 1906, Health Branch, CA, CO 8002.
    • [115] Dr. Murray's Report, 17 Dec. 1902, Health Branch, CA, CO 7610.
    • [116] Chabaud, 'Report on ... Robben Island' in 'Reports on the Government-aided Hospitals [etc.]... for 1905', CPP, G32- 1906, p.104.
    • [117] Dr. A.M. Neethling of Beaufort West, Debates in House of Assembly 1912, CA, SRP 1/3/3, pp.1075-77.
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