Remember Me
Or use your Academic/Social account:


Or use your Academic/Social account:


You have just completed your registration at OpenAire.

Before you can login to the site, you will need to activate your account. An e-mail will be sent to you with the proper instructions.


Please note that this site is currently undergoing Beta testing.
Any new content you create is not guaranteed to be present to the final version of the site upon release.

Thank you for your patience,
OpenAire Dev Team.

Close This Message


Verify Password:
Verify E-mail:
*All Fields Are Required.
Please Verify You Are Human:
fbtwitterlinkedinvimeoflicker grey 14rssslideshare1
Anscombe, Frederick (2006)
Publisher: Markus Wiener Publishers
Languages: English
Types: Part of book or chapter of book
Subjects: hca
  • The results below are discovered through our pilot algorithms. Let us know how we are doing!

    • About the Editor and Contributors ............................................................... 174
    • 1. The term refers to brigands or "outlaws" who, based in the Balkan and Rhodope mountain chains of Bulgaria, ravaged surrounding areas as far as northern Greece, southern Romania, and western Macedonia from ca. 1791 to ca. 1808.
    • 2. Stanford Shaw, Between Old and New: The Ottoman Empire under Sultan Selim 111, 1789-1807 (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1971);Yucel 0zkaya, Osmanlz ~m~eratorlugundDaaglz ~ s ~ a n l a(r1l791-1808) (Ankara: Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi, 1983); Bruce McGowan, "The Age of the Ayans, 1699-1812," in Halil 1nalcik et al., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 1300-1914 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 663. Halil 1nalcik("Arnawutluk," in The Encyclopedia of Islam [Leiden: Brill, 19601,656-57) is one of the few to make even a passing reference to the large numbers of Albanians among the Mountain Bandits.
    • 3. In light of the recent violent troubles in Kosovo and Macedonia and the strong emotions tied to them, readers are urged most emphatically not to draw either of two unwarranted conclusions from this article: that Albanians are somehow inherently inclined to banditry, or that the extent of Ottoman "Albania" or Arnavudluk (which included parts of present-day northern Greece, western Macedonia, southern Montenegro, Kosovo, and southern Serbia) gives any historical bbjustificationf"or the creation of a "Greater Albania" today.
    • 4. For further comment on the breadth of activities considered as "banditry," see discussion of the term "ejkiya" in Anastasopoulos's contribution to this volume.
    • 5. The reasons for the Ottomans' enduring readiness to use a non-religious identifier are obscure but perhaps are related to Albanians' mobility as both pastoralists and migrants, which brought them and their noticeably clannish or tribal social mores into frequent and extended contact with settled groups of different social and ethnic backgrounds. Other groups sharing these characteristics (and not by coincidence also from very mountainous regions, in the majority of cases), such as people from the Caucasus (Georgians, Abkhaz, Circassians), Kurds, and Gypsies/Roma, were also more often identified by an ethnic marker than was the case with Greeks, Bulgars, or non-tribal Turks and Arabs. Indeed, the word "Arab" was most commonly applied to desert nomads, rather than the much larger category of Arabic speakers.
    • 6. Karen Barkey, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994).
    • 7. In the most recent edition of his book on banditry, Hobsbawm acknowledged criticism of his reliance on mythical folklorein his discussion of huyduds-but nevertheless changed remarkably little of his original theoretical model (Eric Hobsbawm, Bandits [London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 20001, xi, 171-72, ch. 7). Katherine Fleming recently attempted to link together the Hobsbawm and Barkey theories in discussing TepedelenliAli Pasha's career. Terming this time as a period of increasing centralization of the state and strengthening of its institutions, and drawing upon much the same flimsy material used by Hobsbawm, her picture also fails to persuade (K. E. Fleming, The Muslim Bonaparte: Diplomacy and Orientalism in Ali Pasha's Greece [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999],40-44). For a purer "Balkanist" view of bandits as national heroes, see Bistra Cvetkova, "The Bulgarian Haiduk Movement in the 15th to 18th Centuries," in Gunther Rothenberg, BCla Kirhly, and Peter Sugar, eds., East Central European Society in the Pre-Revolutionary Eighteenth Century (Boulder, Colo: Social Science Monographs, 1982), 301-38. For the best account of banditry in the Ottoman Balkans, with particular attention paid to exposing many of the common misperceptions about haydud bands operating as national-Christian freedom fighters, see Fikret Adanir, "Heiduckentum und Osmanische Herrschaft," Siidost-Forschungen 41 (1982): 43-1 16.
    • 8. For example, McGowan, "Age of the Ayans," pp. 665-66, and ~nalcik,"Arnawutluk," 657.
    • 9. Ba~bakanlikAr$iviI,stanbul (BA), Cevdet Dahiliye (C.DH) 427,8 June 1792; BA, C.DH 1340,25 June 1792.
    • 10. The current place-name and country (including Kosovo, for the sake of simplicity, in spite of its present hazy status) henceforth will be given in brackets following the Ottoman name.
    • 11. BA, C.DH 6365,12-16 June 1792.
    • 12. BA, C.DH 1452,13August 1795.
    • 13. BA, C.DH 7850, various reports dated November 1788.
    • 14. BA, C.DH 534, orders dated March-April 1799; BA, Miihimme Defteri (MD) 210130, late February 1800.
    • 15. Ali Zot came from a notable family in the district of Yanya which had entered into the violent struggles for wealth and power afflictingthe area in the 1780s. Ali emigrated to become one of the leading figures of the Mountain Bandit problem in the 1790s.
    • 16. Of the more than three thousand Mountain Bandits in the vicinity of Filibe (Plovdiv, Bulgaria) and Zagra (Stara Zagora, Bulgaria) in September 1791, half were Albanian. BA, Hatt-i Hiirnayun (HH) 10420,2 October 1791.
    • 17. BA, HH 2844-A, 1799-1800; BA, C.DH 326, late December 1794; BA, Cevdet Adliye (C.ADL) 703,6 April 1802.
    • 18. BA, C.DH 1832, 1793-94; BA, HH 5239-A, 1792-93; Ozkaya, Daglr zsyanlarr, pp. 23-24; BA, C.DH 326.
    • 19. Among the various Albanian linguistic-social groups, the two most important were the Tosks of the south and the Ghegs of the north. In this case, without more information it is impossible to determine whether just the Tosk background or some closer tie inclined the brigands and deserters toward each other.
    • 20. BA, HH 3742-A, June-July 1800. John Koliopoulos, Brigands with a Cause: Brigandage and Irredentism in Modern Greece, 1821-1912 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 58-60, also notes such an overtly mercenary streak demonstrated by bands from "northern Greece" (including Epirus and Macedonia) during the Greek revolt of the 1820s.
    • 21. BA, HH 3434-D, 12 January 1801.
    • 22. BA, HH 2889-B, 17 July 1802; Deena Sadat, "Ayan and Aga: The Transformation of the Bektashi Corps in the Eighteenth Century," Muslim World 63 (July 1973): 206-2 19.
    • 23. The Morea suffered repeated raids and other abuse, particularly after 1770, in spite of Istanbul's efforts to keep Albanians out of the peninsula. See, for example, BA, HH 1285,1778; BA, C.DH 900,5 April 1782;BA, Cevdet Zabtiye (C.ZB) 4236,26 May 1795; BA, C.DH 281, 13 January 1800; BA, C.DH 521,29 August 1803.
    • 24. For references to Bosnians, see BA, C.DH 4126,18 May 1800; BA, HH 3049, 1801-2.
    • 25. Machiel Kiel, Ottoman Architecture in Albania (1385-1 912) (Istanbul: Research Center for Islamic History, Art and Culture, 1990), 14.
    • 26. Gilles Veinstein, "Les Provinces Balkaniques (1606-1774)," in Robert Mantran, ed., Histoire de 1'Empire Ottoman (Paris: Fayard, 1989), 321.
    • 27. Daniel Panzac, La Peste duns 1'Empire Ottoman, 1700-1850 (Leuven: Editions Peeters, 1985), 109-115, 198.
    • 28. Panzac, La Peste, 67, 111-12.
    • 29. BA, C.ADL 1053, 1 November 1795.
    • 30. Ozkaya, Daglr ~ s ~ a n l a r2r5,, for references to famine in 1794; BA, HH 6163- F, for grain shortage in Prinen in 1806; BA, C.DH 13425,undated (probably shortly before 1798)for lack of grain shipments from Selanik due to drought. Ahmed Cevdet, Tarih-i Cevdet (Istanbul, 1886), vol. 5 , 211, for grain shortages in Istanbul in 1791, and vol. 6,86, for shortages in Manastir in 1794.
    • 31. BA, HH 6907, 17 December 1803.
    • 32. Since it has been customary since the seventeenth century to deplore the decline of the sipahi-dirlik system and to point to this development as evidence of "decline," it is worth repeating that the system could not continue unchanged in an era of military requirements much changed since the sipahi system was first instituted. It is noteworthy that Russia started to move away from its own system of landed service-cavalry(and its "Janissaries", the strel'tsi) in the eighteenth century for similar reasons. See Donald Ostrowski, Muscovy and the Mongols: Cross-Cultural Influences on the Steppe Frontier, 1304-1589 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), and Simon Dixon, The Modernisation of Russia 16761825 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
    • 33. Conversion of dirlik to giftlik in Albanian territory was already well advanced by the mid-eighteenth century. BA, MD 154,30811,late April-early May 1750. See also Ligor Mile, "De l'extension du syst6me des giftlig sur les territoires albanais," Deuxieme Confkrence des ~ t u d e Aslbanologiques (Tirana, 1970), 101-108. For continuation of the dirlik system long after its formal abolition in the 1830s, see Nathalie Clayer, "Note sur la survivance du syst6- me des timtir dans la rtgion de Shkodk au dkbut du XXe siscle," Turcica 29 (1997), 423-31.
    • 34. Records of irregular taxation and disputes over giftliks abound. For a selection from different years, places, and tactics, see: BA, C.ADL 446, 1 November 1768; BA, C.DH 10372, November-December 1785; BA, Rumeli A h k h 421773, mid-April 1788; BA, Rumeli A h k h 471275, mid-November 1793; BA, Rumeli A h k h 501149, April 1796; BA, MD 2101678, mid-May 1800.
    • 35. BA, C.DH 10372,1786.
    • 36. Dennis Skiotis, "From Bandit to Pasha: First Steps in the Rise to Power of Ali of Tepelen, 1750-1784," International Journal of Middle East Studies 2 (1971): 221, note 1; McGowan, "Age of the Ayans," 668,688. McGowan notes that Ali also took advantage of Istanbul's preoccupation with the OttomanRussian war of 1806-1812 to seize more lands. For references to the seizure of giftliks by Ali and his family during that war, see William Leake, Travels in Northern Greece (London, 1835), vol. 4, ch. 38.
    • 37. Halil ~nalcik",Stefan Dugan'dan Osmanli ~m~aratorlu~unina,F"uad Kopriilii Armaganz,Mklanges Fuad Kopriilii (Istanbul: Dil ve Tarih-CografyaFakiiltesi, 1953), 85-90; Kiel, Ottoman Architecture, 18.
    • 38. For an example from Anatolia, see Yuzo Nagata, "The Role of Ayans in Regional Development during the Pre-Tanzimat Period in Turkey: A Case Study of the Karaosmanoglu Family," in his Studies on the Social and Economic History of the Ottoman Empire (Izmir: Akademi Kitabevi, 1995), 120-21.
    • 39. Skiotis, "From Bandit to Pasha," 226,234-36.
    • 40. BA, C.DH 980, February 1772. For a similar case from 1790, see BA, Cevdet Askeri 3850.
    • 41. Skiotis, "Bandit to Pasha," 230-31; Kristo Frasheri, The History of Albania (a Brief Survey) (Tirana, 1964), 101-4.
    • 42. BA, HH 2058,18 November 1790.
    • 43. BA, HH 15326,1800-1801.
    • 44. BA, MD 2101380, mid-April 1800.
    • 45. BA, C.DH 1570, late August 1799.
    • 46. BA, C.DH 334,6 March 1787;BA, C.DH 3815, undated but almost certainly from the same year.
    • 47. For a good example of Kara Mahmud in action, see Michael Hickok, Ottoman Military Administration in Eighteenth-Century Bosnia (New York: Brill, 1997), 152-75.
    • 48. BA, HH 1106-C, 14 February 1789; Cevdet, Tarih, vol. 5, 17.
    • 49. Peter Bartl, "Albanien im ~ussisch-~sterreichischeTniirkenkrieg, 1787- 1792," in Klaus-Detlev Grothusen, ed., Albanien in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart (Munich: Siidosteuropa-Studien,1991),57-60; Cevdet, Tarih, vol. 6, pp. 84-86; BA, HH 3318,l April 1793.
    • 50. Stavri N a ~ i P,ashalleku i Shkodres nen sundimin e Bushatllive ne gjysmen e dyte te shek. WIII (Tirana: University of Tirana, 1964). chapter 4; Cevdet, Tarih, vol. 6,197-98; BA, HH 742,27 January 1788; BA, HH 7922 and 10913, 1789.
    • 51. McGowan, "Age of the Ayans," 724-25.
    • 52. See 0mer $en, Osmanlz Panayzrlarl (18. -19. Yiizyll) (Istanbul: Eren, 1996) for information on selected fairs in the Balkans, particularly for the nineteenth century.
    • 53. McGowan, "Age of the Ayans," 736; Stavri Nasi, "Le Facteur Albanais dans la Commerce Balkanique au XVIIIe Siecle," Studia Albanica V1112 (1970), 37-42.
    • 54. On lskopol see Max Peyfuss, Die Druckerei von Moschopolis, 1731-1769: Buchdruck und Heiligenverehrung im Erzbistum Achrida (Vienna: Bohlau, 1989).
    • 55. BA, MD 1041470, mid-August 1693.
    • 56. BA, C.DH 16315,August-September 1782.
    • 57. Veinstein, "Provinces Balkaniques," 332; Frasheri, History of Albania, 102, 108; Peyfuss, Druckerei, 43, 45. lskopol did not disappear completely from the map of Albanian commerce, but it certainly never regained its previous prosperity. See Ferit Duka, Berati ne Kohen Osmane (shek. W.-XVII) (Tirana: Toena, 2001), 137. It continued to be vulnerable to outside threats: by the end of the Greek revolt of the 1820s, most of ~skopol'sresidents had fled to safer places. BA, C.DH 8285, mid-September 1829.
    • 58. Both of these restrictions were honored haphazardly, at best, in other Albanian ayans' territories. For the widespread use of non-Ottoman currency in Ali Pasha's Yanya, see BA, MD 2201208, mid-March 1803.
    • 59. Shaw, Between Old and New, 230; N a ~ i P,ashalleku i Shkodres, ch. 4; Stavri Nasi, "Le Pachalikde Shkoder considtrt dans son dkveloppement tconomique et social au XVIIIe S.," Studia Albanica 11111 (1966): 137-42; McGowan, "Age of the Ayans," 667; Fleming, Muslim Bonaparte, 46-49,5 1-54.
    • 60. BA, C.DH 4496.24 and 28 July 1780.fgkodra'straders were not the only ones to suffer such losses, of course. For an early example of confiscationof goods from a trader from Arnavud Belgrad, carried out in 1775 by 1~kodranofficers in Bar (Montenegro), see Duka, Berati, 145.
    • 61. BA, C.DH 543, April 1794; BA, C.DH 1280,26 March 1794.
    • 62. The migration of Albanians in search of work has been noted frequently, at least in passing. For a recent discussion of this phenomenon, see Suraiya Faroqhi, "Migration into Eighteenth-Century 'Greater Istanbul' as Reflected in the Kadi Registers of Eyup," Turcica 30 (1998): 171, 173-75.
    • 63. Robert Olson, "Jews, Janissaries, Esnaf and the Revolt of 1740 in Istanbul," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 2012 (1977): 187- 88, 194-98.
    • 64. As with many still-popular beliefs about the oppressiveness of Ottoman rule over non-Muslims in the Balkans (e.g., drastic curbs placed upon churches, bans on riding horses, numerous sumptuary restrictions), the idea that zimmis could not have weapons certainly does not reflect the reality of all times and all places. One of the empire's defense and security tactics was the nefrr-i amm, which called all capable men of a district to arms. BA, C.DH 560, 21 June 1796,for example, calls all local men, including reaya (non-militarymen including, but not necessarily limited to, Christian peasants), to arms against Mountain Bandits active in central Bulgaria. Those who fought against the bandits were permitted to keep whatever spoils they captured-not just money and goods, but also weapons.
    • 65. BA, Rumeli A h k h 42/424, late October 1787.
    • 66. BA, Rumeli A h k h 421829, early June 1788.
    • 67. BA, C.DH 3291,1779.
    • 68. BA, C.DH 430, undated but apparentlyfrom the period 1798-1801, for example, decried the continuing practice of awarding important positions, such as the nezarets (supervisor of revenue collection) of Uskub (Skopje, Macedonia) and Filibe (Plovdiv, Bulgaria) or the cizyedarlrk (collector of the poll-tax paid by non-Muslims) of Edirne (Turkey), to Albanians or any other locals who lacked clear dependence upon Istanbul.
    • 69. BA, C.DH 8776 records the presence of Albanian tax farmers in Yeni~ehirin 1793-94-and both they and other Albanians continued to be viewed frequently with suspicion. In Domenik district in northern Greece, Albanian traders as well as tax farmers preferred to demand food and lodging from Orthodox villagers as they passed through, rather than to arrange their own supplies. BA, C.DH 2501, 12November 1795. For an earlier case in Yeni~ehirs,ee BA, C.DH 8196, 1782.
    • 70. See, for instance, Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (New York: New York University Press, 1998), xxviii, the best history of the background to the recent conflict. For a summary of explanations of the role of guards, see Ger Duijzings, Religion and the Politics of Identity in Kosovo (New York: Colurnbia University Press, 2000), 72, n. 6.
    • 71. BA, C.ZB 425, May and August 1790.
    • 72. Albanians fighting for ambitious ayan was certainly not a phenomenon reserved solely for the Balkans. The retinue of the Bosnian Ahrned Cezzar Pasha ("The Butcher"), ayan of Acre on the Syrian coast (1775-1804), had a large Albanian component-as of course did that of the Albanian Mehmed Ali Pasha of Egypt (1805-49).
    • 73. BA, MD 210, mid-April 1800; BA, C.DH 430. The latter document, a detailed analysis of the Mountain Bandit problem, has been published in transliteration (but with numerous errors): Yucel Ozkaya, "XVIII. Yuzyilin ikinci Yansina Ait SosyalYapntiyi Ortaya Koyan bir Belge," OTAM 2 (Ankara, 1991): 303- 34.
    • 74. BA, C.DH 430.
    • 75. BA, C.DH 7377, late November 1797.
    • 76. BA, HH 2168,18 March 1797.
    • 77. BA, MD 220/658, early June 1803.
    • 78. BA, C.DH 430 includes details of a wide-ranging scheme to police all movement in the regions affected by the Mountain Bandits.
    • 79. BA, MD 2201643456, early June 1803. These restrictions, however, did not prevent the vali of Rumeli from recruiting Albanians to serve in his army in the following winter (see note 3 1).
    • 80. BA, HH 2168, 18 March 1797; BA, HH 13256, undated but presumably 1800-1801.
    • 81. Ozkaya, Datlr ~ s ~ a n l a r1r0, 143.
    • 82. Norman Saul, Russia and the Mediterranean, 1797-1807 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970),221, for example, notes that Black Sea trade through Odessa saw strong growth in 1808,promoted in part by the Continental System of Napoleon's newly-expanded European empire.
    • 83. Istanbul never could manage to crush that other famous Albanian provincial notable, Mehrned Ali Pasha, a sekban leader who left Kavala (Greece) to establish his dominance in Egypt. Mehmed Ali's actions and mindset bear a number of important similarities to those of Tepedelenli Ali. The best critical work on Mehmed Ali is Khaled Fahmy, All the Pasha's Men: Mehmed Ali, His Army and the Making of Modern Egypt (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
  • No related research data.
  • No similar publications.

Share - Bookmark

Cite this article