OpenAIRE is about to release its new face with lots of new content and services.
During September, you may notice downtime in services, while some functionalities (e.g. user registration, login, validation, claiming) will be temporarily disabled.
We apologize for the inconvenience, please stay tuned!
For further information please contact helpdesk[at]

fbtwitterlinkedinvimeoflicker grey 14rssslideshare1
Thornton, Tim (1998)
Publisher: Edinburgh University Press
Languages: English
Types: Article
Subjects: D111, DA
Although Scottish during much of the medieval era, the Isle of Man was under British control during the late medieval and early modern historical period. However, the association between England and the island was not close. London did not exert much influence over Manx political affairs. The fact that the island functioned largely as a self-governing entity supports the theory espoused by various scholars that the British authorities adopted a gradual, decentralized approach to governing newly acquired territories.
  • The results below are discovered through our pilot algorithms. Let us know how we are doing!

    • 3 C. Desplat, 'Louis XIII and the Union of Bearn to France', ibid., 80. The most clearly theoretised approach to these issues is that developed by Stein Rokkan and Derek Urwin, which describes alternate phases of centralisation and 'accommodation': see S. Rokkan and D. W. Urwin (eds.), The Politics of Territorial Identity: Studies in European Regionalism (London, Beverly Hills and New Delhi, 1982); S. Rokkan and D. W. Urwin, Economy, Territory, Identity: Politics of West European Peripheries (London, Beverly Hills, New Delhi, 1983); and S. Rokkan and D. W. Urwin, 'The price of a kingdom: territory, identity and the centre-periphery dimension in Western Europe', in Y. Meny and V. Wright (eds.), Centre-Periphery Relations in Western Europe (London, 1985). Michael Hechter's 'internal colonialism' thesis explained the willingness of central power to permit continued social, linguistic and cultural difference as being a mechanism to permit the exploitation of the 'colonized' area and its population: M. Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley, 1975).
    • 4 Donald Gregory, The History of the Western Highlands and Isles of Scotland (2nd edn, 1881, repr. Edinburgh, 1975); A. Grant, 'Scotland's "Celtic Fringe" in the late Middle Ages: the Macdonald Lords of the Isles and the kingdom of Scotland', in R. R. Davies (ed.), The British Isles, 1100-1500: Comparisons, Contrasts and Connections (Edinburgh, 1988).
    • 5 There is of course the literature devoted to the successfulliberation struggles of what were to become independent monarchies in their own right, and the consequent impact on the monarchies of which they once formed part. The main example of this in early modern Europe is of course Portugal, as illustrated by J. H. Elliott, 'The Spanish monarchy and the kingdom of Portugal, 1580-1640', in Greengrass, Conquest and Coalescence.
    • 6 Exceptions include studies by Anne Curry and Christopher Allmand of garrisoning and settlement in territories under English control, which pay due heed to the importance of English integration and local compliance and commitment, and to 'livelihood' as much as 'profit' as the matter at stake for those involved: A. Curry, The first English standing army? Military organisation in Lancastrian Normandy, 1420-1450', in C. D. Ross (ed.), Patronage, Pedigree and Power in Later Medieval England (Gloucester, 1979); C. T. Allmand, 'Local reaction to the French reconquest of Normandy: the case of Rouen', in J. R. L. Highfield and R. Jeffs (eds.), The Crown and Local Communities in England and France in the Fifteenth Century (Gloucester, 1981); C. T. Allmand, Lancastrian Normandy, 1415-1450: The History of a Medieval Occupation (Oxford, 1983) (although the latter's subtitle indicates its continuing main interest in military occupation).
    • 7 The dominant interpretation of the claim to the French throne remains that it was a cover for the conquest of pieces of French territory, countering the belief in the reality of the dynastic claim expressed in J. Le Patourel, 'Edward III and the kingdom of France, History, xliii (1958): e.g., A. Curry, The Hundred Years War (Basingstoke, 1993), esp. 26-73 (including her survey of the recent historiography).
    • H The most accessible general histories of Man in the period c.1266-1660 remain A. W. Moore, A History of the Isle of Man (1900, repr. Douglas, 1992), i, 181-280; and R. H. Kinvig, The Isle of Man: A Social, Cultural and Political History (first published as History of the Isle of Man, Oxford, 1944; 3rd edn, Liverpool, 1978), 86-108.
    • 9 Indeed Edward took over Man as early as Jun. 1290, before the death of the 'Maid of Norway', and well before his claim to overlordship over Scotland: G. W. S. Barrow, Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland (3rd edn, Edinburgh, 1988), 28-9.
    • 10 Registrum Magni Sigillii Regum Scotomm [RMSJ, i, App. I, no. 32. One of the obligations which Randolph owed for Man was personal attendance at the Scottish Parliament, which indicates Man's institutional integration into the Scottish realm.
    • II E.g., J. Hill Burton, The History of Scotland from Agricola's Invasion to the Extinction of the Last jacobite Insurrection (new edn, Edinburgh, 1873),ii, 318 Calight and fluctuating allegiance'); A. I. Macinnes, 'Scotland and the Manx connection: relationships of intermittent violence, c.1266-1603', Proceedings of the Isle of Man Natural History and Antiquarian Society [PIOMNHAS], new ser., viii (1972--4).
    • 12 Moore, Isle of Man, i, 198. Moore's views on the Scottish connection were set out in his article 'The connexion between Scotland and Man', ante, iii (1906).
    • 13 R. R. Davies, Dornination and Conquest: The Experience of Ireland, Scotland and Wales, 1100-1300 (Cambridge, 1990),52.
    • 14 J. Lydon, 'The Impact of the Bruce Invasion, 1315-1327', in A. Cosgrove (ed.), A New History of Ireland, vol. II: Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534 (Oxford, 1987),286. Cf. the diverse contacts and activities of Mr Thomas of Man, one of Roger de Quincy's inner circle: G. G. Simpson, 'The Farnilia of Roger de Quincy, Earl of Winchester and Constable of Scotland', in K. J. Stringer (ed.), Essays on the Nobility of Medieval Scotland (Edinburgh, 1985), 108, 110-11.
    • 15 Calendar of Docurnents Relating to Scotland [CDS], iii, no. 84; Calendar of Chancery Warrants, 1244-1326,379 (20 Oct. 1311; regarding appeal against Sir Simon de Montagu); Chronica Regurn Mannie & Insularurn: Chronicles of the Kings of Man and the Isles, BL Cotton Julius Avii, translated and transcribed by George Broderick (Manx Museum and National Trust, Douglas, 1991), fo. 50r [facsimile edn, Douglas (1924), 39]; C. McNamee, The Wars of the Bruces: Scotland, England and Ireland, 1306-1328 (East Linton, 1997),58,187.
    • 16 Calendar of Close Rolls [CCR], 1313-18, 153; CCR, 1307-13,205; CDS, iii, nos. 95, 132, 157,421; McNamee, Wars of the Bruces, 169, 187.
    • 17 The Scots were therefore free to exploit the island: in 1329, a tenth penny on Manx farm rents, amounting to £150, was paid into the Scottish exchequer; and in 1331 the clergy of Sodor diocese contributed £60: Exchequer Rolls [ER], i, 151, 396.
    • 18 Calendar of Fine Rolls, 1327-37,362; Foedera, ed. T. Rymer (Hague edn, 1739-45) [Foedera (H)], ii (3), 93; Monumenta de Insula Manniae, vol. II, ed. J. R. Oliver (Manx Soc., 1861) [Monumenta, ii], 180-1 (incorrect dating).
    • 19 Calendar of Patent Rolls [CPR], 1330-4, 64; Foedera (H), ii (3), 99; Monumenta, ii, 182-4 (incorrect dating).
    • 20 R. Frame, English Lordship in Ireland, 1318-1361 (Oxford, 1982), 132, 142--8,196--202. Richard de Mandeville's wife, Gyle, was the instigator of this act of revenge: J. Lydon, 'The impact of the Bruce invasion, 1315-1327', in New History of Ireland, ii, 300.
    • 21 Frame, English Lordship, 145; A.J. Otway-Ruthven, A History of Medievallreland (London, 1968), 257. Richard de Mandeville had previously raided the island with a force of Irishmen in 1316: Chron. Mannie & Insularum, fo. 50r.
    • 22 CCR, 1341-3, 654-5; Foedera (H), ii (4), 135; Monumenta, ii, 192-7 (incorrect dating); CDS, iii, no. 1396; A. K., 'A sidelight on an old story'Journal of the Manx Museum, xxxviii (1934), 162-3.
    • 23 Historical Manuscripts Commission [HMC], 13th Report, App. VI, 205; R. G. Nicholson, Edward III and the Scots (Oxford, 1965), 160.
    • 24 In 1353 the proposed English withdrawal from the Lowlands does not seem to have extended to Man: A. A. M. Duncan, 'Honi soit qui mal y pense: David II and Edward HI, 1346-52', ante, lxvii (1988). In 1357, the treaty of Berwick classified Man as a dominion of the English crown and did not give the earl of Salisbury any special status: Rotuli Scotiae, i, 803; Monumenta, ii, 199-202. The picture is complicated by Edward Balliol's surrender of his rights in Scotland in Jan. 1356.
    • 25 The Scots Peerage, ed. J. B. Paul (Edinburgh, 1904-14), iii, 266-9.
    • 26 Acts of the Parliament of Scotland [APS], i, 137;ER, ii, p. !xvi; 'A question about the succession, 1364', ed. A. A. M. Duncan, Scot. Hist. Soc. Miscellany XII (1994), 15; C. Johnson, 'Proposals for an agreement with Scotland, c.1363', English Hist. Rev., xxx (1915), 476. In 1359, it was recorded that no rent was received from Man: ER, i, 570.
    • 27 APS, i, 137,495-6; ER, ii, p. lxvi.
    • 2H Scots Peerage, iii, 270-3.
    • 29 Conveniently illustrated in S. 1. Boardman, The Early Stewart Kings: Robert II and Robert Ill, 1371-1406 (East Linton, 1996), facing p. 143.
    • ~o RMS, i, nos. 521-2, 553; 'Miscellaneous charters, 1315-1401, from transcripts in the collection of the late Sir William Fraser', ed. W. Angus, in Scot. Hist. Soc. Miscellany (l933), no. 17; Boardman, Early Stewart Kings, 51-2.
    • ~I RMS, i, nos. 521 (royal confirmation, 6 Dec. 1372, of the marriage agreement, 21 Nov. 1372), 553 (undated grant regarding Man); Monumenta, ii, 203-4; Moore, 'Connexion', 408; Macinnes, 'Scotland and the Manx Connection', 376, note 45. Moore, Isle of Man, i, 195-6, erroneously makes her Dunbar's daughter.
    • ~2 Sir James was retained by the 1st earl of Douglas in 1372, and was probably worth around £1,000 per annum in rents in 1377-8: Morton Registrum, i, pp. xlvii-lxxvi; ii, no. 129;A. Grant, 'The Higher Nobilityin Scotland and their Estates,c.1371-1424' (Oxford University D.Phil. thesis, 1975),251,271.
    • 33 HMC, 14th Report, App. 3, 63 (1377); Calendar of Papal Letters to Scotland of Clement V11 of Avignon, 1378-1394, ed. C. Burns (Scot. Hist. Soc., 1976) [CPL Clement VII], 90-1 (1383); Scottish Record Office [SRO], GD298/227, S.d. 16 Mar. 1421; The Diplomatic Correspondence of Richard 11,ed. E. Perroy (Camden Soc., 1933), no. 125; A. Grant, 'The Otterburn war from the Scottish point of view', in A. Goodman and A. Tuck (eds.), War and Border Societies in the Middle Ages (London, 1992),38; Monumenta, ii, 203-4.
    • 34 As suggested by M.Ormrod, 'Man under the Montacutes', in S. Duffy, A New History of the Isle of Man, vol. III: The Medieval Period (Liverpool, forthcoming).
    • 35 CCR, 1389-92,559; CPR. 1391-6,516; Calendar of Papal Letters [CPL], iv, 432.
    • 36 N. Saul, Richard 11(New Haven, 1997),247; G. E. Cockayne, The Complete Peerage, 2nd edn, ed. V. Gibbs et al. (London, 1910-59), xii (2), 730-4.
    • 37 C. Given-Wilson,The Rayal Household and the King's Affinity: SenJice, Politics, and Finance in England, 1360-1413 (London, 1986), 166, 168, 186; R. R. Davies, 'Richard II and the principality of Chester, 1397-9', in F. R. H. du Boulay and C. M. Barron (eds.), The Reign of Richard 11 (London, 1971),273-5. Ormrod, 'Man under the Montacutes', stresses the importance of William de Montacute as the key figure in the military and political administration of the Irish Sea before his death in 1344.
    • 3H Something of the potential power of the Manx lordship can be gathered from the choice of the island as a prison for Thomas Beauchamp, one of the Lords Appellant, in 1397: Rotuli Parliamentorum, ed. J. Strachey et al. (1767-77), III, 380; Chronicon Adae de Usk, ed. E.M. Thompson (1904), 17; Issues of the Exchequer, Henry III-Henry VI, ed. F. Devon (1847), 271.
    • 39 G. W. S. Barrow, The Anglo-Norman Era in Scottish History (Oxford, 1980), 152-6.
    • 40 Pliny, Natural History, ed. H. Rackham (London, 1942), vol. II, Libri III-VII, 196-9 ('sunt autem XL Orcades modicis inter se discretae spatiis, VII Acmodae, XXX Hebudes, et inter Hiberniam ac Britanniam Mona, Monapia, Riginia, Vectis, Silumnus, Andros, infra vero Sambis et Axanthos, et ab adversa in Germanicum mare sparsae Glaesariae quas Electridas Graeci recentiores appellavere, quod ibi electrum nasceretur.' 'There are 40 Orkneys separated by narrow channels from each other, the 7 Shetlands, the 30 Hebrides, and between Ireland and Britain the Islands of Anglesea, Man, Racklin [sic], White-horn, Dalkey, and Bardsey; south of Britain are Sian and Ushant, and opposite, scattered about in the direction of the German Sea, are the Glass Islands, which the Greeks in more modern times have called the Electrides, from the Greek word for amber, which is produced there'.
    • 41 Paulus Orosius, Histories (Contre les Pai'ens) Tome I, Livres I-III, trans. (French) M.-P. Arnaud-Lindet (Paris, 1990),32-3: 'Huic etiam Meuania insula proxima est et ipsa spatio non parua, solo commoda; aeque a Scottorum gentibus habitatur'. For an English translation, Paulus Orosius, The Seven Books of History against the Pagans, trans. Roy J. Deferrari (Washington DC, 1964), 16: 'Mevania also [i.e. as Ireland] is very close to Britain and is itself not small in extent and is rich in soil. It is, likewise, inhabited by the tribes of the Scotti'.
    • 42 Bede referred to the 'Mevanian Islands', as being conquered by Edwin and lying 'inter Hiberniam et Brittaniam': Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. B. Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1969), 148, 162; he probably got the name Mevanian from Orosius. William of Halmesbury, although drawing on Bede, made this just Anglesey. The first passage of Bede's history gives an account of Britain which mentions only Orkney as a neighbouring island (p. 15).
    • 43 Nennius, The Historia Brittonum: 3. The Vatican Recension, ed. D. N. Dumville (Cambridge, 1985),63.
    • 44 'Et pr
    • 45 Gerald of Wales, Topography of Ireland, 2:48 0. J. O'Meara, 'Giraldus Cambrensis in Topographia Hibernie: text of the first recension', Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Iii, section C [1948-50], 142).
    • 4(; Higden also recorded the custom, to him clearly not only superstitious but alien, that Manx women could capture the wind in knotted string for sea-farers. In Man spirits and the supernatural were present in a way that was never apparent in his perception of England, and inhabitants could see the dead and understand the means of their death, something which aliens (alienigerue et adventitii) could share in by standing on their feet: Higden, Polychronicon, ii, 40-3.
    • 47 Andrea Trevisano, A Relation, or Rather a True Account, of the Island of England, ed. C. A. Sneyd (Camden Soc., 1847), 18-20; he also employed the triple association of the islands of Britain: 'e secondo che l'Isoletta Man appartiene alla Scotia, cosi Anglesia appartiene a Wallia'.
    • 48 CPR, 1452-61,393: 18 Nov. 1457, reward for the delivery ofletters patent relating to homage done by Kings David and Robert. The presentation volume for Henry VI (1457) is British Library [BL], Lansdowne MS 204; the later version is BL, Harleian MS 661 (printed as The Chronicle of John Hardyng, ed. Henry Ellis [London, 1812]). See C. L. Kingsford, 'The first version of Hardyng's chronicle', and 'Extracts from the first version of Hardyng's chronicle', both in Eng. Hist. Rev., xxvii (1912); and A. Gransden, Historical Writing in England, vol. II: c.1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982), 274-87, esp. 274-7.
    • 49 The somer nexte Arthure went to Ireland With batayle sore forfoughten yt conquered, And of the kyng had homage of that lande, To hold ofhym, so was he ofhym feared, And also gate, as chronycles haue ve lered, Denmarke, Friselande, Gotelande, & Norway, Iselande, Greneland, Thisle of Man, and Orkynay He conquered these to hold ofhym euermore ... Chronicle of John Hardyng, 126. This is based on Geoffrey of Monmouth, who has Arthur conquer Ireland, Iceland, Gotland and the Orkneys. Arthur then moved to conquer Norway and Denmark, and forced all these territories to support him against Rome. Later, King Malgo is also described as conquering these six territories, described by Geoffrey as islands: Geoffrey of Monmouth, The History of the Kings of Britain, trans. L. Thorpe (Harmondsworth, 1966), 221-2, 227, 235, 263.
    • 50 'It apperithe by the preface of the donation of Kynge Edgare unto the Priory of Worcester that ... [Edgar] had the whole homage of Scotland, and was taken for chefe Head and Governar of all the Isles about England even to Norwege': The Itinerary ofJohn Leland in or about the years 1536-1539, ed. L. Toulmin Smith (London, 1964), v, 232; in 'The Laboriouse Journey & Serche', p. Eii, Leland described adjacent islands under the king's subjection in six books, mentioning Veeta, Mona, and Menavia, 'somtime kingedomes': Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, 1509-47, ed. J. S. Brewer et al. (London, 1862-1932) [LP Henry VIII], xxi (I), no. l.
    • 51 Melrose shows little interest in the location of the island, although the story is recounted of how the moon, transformed into a ship, sailed off to Ireland in the direction of the Isle of Man: Chron. Melrose, 30, 65,128-9.
    • 52 Chron. Bower (Watt), i, 14-15.
    • 5~ Ibid., i, 86-7; Chron. Fordun, i, 43.
    • 61 Ibid., iv (I), 90; CCR, 1405-9,2.
    • 6~ CCR, 1402-5,525 (recognisance of 11 Aug. 1405 to surrender the grant before Michaelmas next); CPR, 1405-8,201-2.
    • 6~ Dunbar received a grant from Henry IV of the manors of Chip eston and Shirwode on 10Jun. 1405 'considerantes bonum Servitium': Foedera (H), iv (I), 82. Cf. CPR, 1399-1401,529,549; CPR, 1401-5,52-3,247,252; CPR, 1405-8,32.
    • 64 1446-9: R. A. GritIiths, 'The trial of Eleanor Cobham: an episode in the fall of Duke Humphrey of Gloucester', BJRL, 51 (1969), 381-99; R. A. GritIiths, 'Richard, Duke of York, and the royal household in Wales, 1449-50', Welsh History Review, viii (1976), 23-4.
    • 65 Otway-Ruthven, Medieval Ireland, 368; A. Cosgrove, 'Ireland beyond the Pale, 1399-1460', in New History of Ireland, ii, 573.
    • 66 RMS, i, no. 920.
    • 67 The election of the bishop had been granted to Furness Abbey by Olaf I (1134) and Godred (1194); at this point the metropolitan of Trondheim simply consecrated the candidate put forward. Under Innocent IV a situation had arisen whereby Furness could not find candidates who would go to Trondheim, and therefore the archbishop of York was given the right to consecrate the bishops of Sodor and Man. Interruptions to the succession of bishops allowed the pope to nominate. A. A.~hley,'Historic Relations of Church and State in the Isle of Man, considered as the background of Bishop Wilson's controversy', PIOMNHAS, new ser., v (1954-6), 516-9. Another confusion of the 'national' boundary was the subjection of Whithorn to York, through which an English consecration occurred in the 1350s: R. N. Swanson, Church and Society in Late Medieval England (Oxford, 1989),2.
    • 74 Registrurn Secreti Sigilli Regurn Scotorurn, i, no. 184; A. I. Dunlop, The Life and Tirnes of jarnes Kennedy, Bishop of St Andrews (Edinburgh, 1950), 191.
    • 75 RMS, ii, no. 461, confirming Thomas Randolph's grant including the church of St Bridget in the Ayre, 1326.
    • 76 C. McGladdery,jarnes II (Edinburgh, 1990), 100 (she mistakenly makes Henry VI give the island to the Stanleys); N. Macdougall, jarnes III: A Political Study (Edinburgh, 1982),42.
    • 77 Monro's Description of Scotland and Genealogies of the Clans, 1549, ed. R. W. Munro (Edinburgh, 1961), 13-15,46,49,62.
    • 7B CPL, viii, 463.
    • 79 Note of Bothe's registration of exhibition by Bishop Thomas [Kirkham], 18 Feb. 1459, of a bull calling for Bothe's support and making Kirkham suffragan of York (Thomas and William Stanley being present): Monurnenta de Insula Manniae, vol. III, ed. J. R. Oliver (Manx Soc., 1862), 20-3 (from York, Register of William Bothe, fo. 369a.). This states that appointment had hitherto been reserved for apostolic appointment: A. W. Moore, Sodor and Man (London, 1893),89.
    • BO He noted that the bishop's see was placed in Man, 'which ys thowght to be of the diocesse of York': Three Books of Polydore Vergil's English History, Cornprising the Reigns of Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III., ed. H. Ellis (Camden Soc., 1844), 135-6; Monurnenta de Insula Manniae, vol. I, ed. J. R. Oliver (Manx Soc., 1860),78.
    • BI The Statutes of the Realrn (London, 1810-28), iii, 870-1 (33 Henry VIII, c.31).
    • B2 Swanson, Church and Society, 8-9; D. M. Smith, 'Suffragan bishops in the medieval diocese of Lincoln', Lincolnshire History and Archaeology, xvii (1982) (Oswald of Whithorn, in Lincoln 1387, also Durham and York). Walter Skirlaw, bishop of Durham, left 'unam mitram, de levioribus,et unum Pontificale'to Oswald, bishop of Whithom: Test
    • 90 Dunlop, Bishop Kennedy, 176, citing SRO, RH6/342.
    • 91 The claim to Man followed closely on the destruction of Douglas power in southwest Scotland in 1452-5. Kirkcudbright was constituted a royal burgh in 1455, and the king established a Franciscan friary in the town: HMC, 4th Report, 539; ER, vi, p. cxi.
    • 92 McGladdery, james II, 100; Macdougall, james III, 42; Dunlop, Bishop Kennedy, 176. The Manx raid is of course often cited alongside the claim to Saintonge, which also deserves less cavalier treatment in the Scottish historiography.
    • 93 Probably in June: Macdougall,james III, 42; Dunlop, Bishop Kennedy, 157, n. 4.
    • 94 After James renounced a truce in May 1456. York responded on 26 Jul. in Henry's name, recalling James to a proper allegiance to the English king; and sending another note in his own name criticising Scottish attacks. Henry later renounced this language: Paston Letters and Papers of the Fifteenth Century, ed. N. Davis (Oxford, 1971-6), ii, 148;Foedera (H), v (2), 69. R. A. Griffiths, The Reign of Henry VI (London, 1981),772-3. In Jan. 1457 Charles VII sent his congratulations to James on his invasion of England: Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Wars of the English in France during the Reign of Henry VI, ed. J. Stevenson (Rolls Ser., 1861-4), i, 332.
    • 9:; Rot. Scot., ii, 379-83.
    • 96 CPL, xi, 381-2.
    • 97 Cf. Barbara Crawford's suggestion that William Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, feitJames's attack on Man to be threatening, and that it played a part in the estrangement of the king from the earl, previously his important ally in the region: B. E. Crawford, 'William Sinclair, Earl of Orkney, and his family: a study in the politics of survival', in Stringer, Nobility of Medieval Scotland, 236.
    • 9H R. G. Nicholson, Scotland: The Later Middle Ages (Edinburgh, 1974),361-2.
    • 99 Such tension was most clearly seen at the battle of Blore Heath, when Lord Stanley stood back from assisting the royal forces, and his brother Sir William threw in his lot with the earls of Salisbury and Warwick: Griffiths, Henry VI, 820.
    • 100 Treaties with Albany: Foedera (H), v (3), 120-1 (10-11 Jun. 1482), 127-8 (II Feb. 1483).
    • 101 Palatine Anthology, 239.
    • 102 M. K. Jones, 'Richard III and the Stanleys', in R. Horrox (ed.), Richard III and the North of England (Hull, 1986), esp. 39-41.
    • 1m Albany returned to the Scottish allegiance but may have made a secret accommodation with Gloucester; he was back in alliance with the English by Dec. 1482 (openly by 12 Jan. 1483), and once again came to terms with James III on 19 Mar. 1483: C. Ross, Edward IV (London, 1974),387-90,393.
    • 104 Rot. Pari., vi, 204-5. Richard may therefore have seriously considered a future for himself in a semi-autonomous duchy embracing Cumberland and South Western Scotland, for which he may well have conceived an ideological mission associated with St Ninian: A.J. Pollard, North-Eastern England during the Wars of the Roses: Lay Society, War, and Politics, 1450-1500 (Oxford, 1990), 338; A. Grant, 'Richard III and Scotland', in A.J. Pollard (ed.), The North of England in the Age of Richard III (Stroud, 1996), 115-16. See also note 159, below.
    • 105 APS, i, 78, 101; B. E. Crawford, 'Scotland's foreign relations: Scandinavia', in J. M. Brown (ed.), Scottish Society in the Fifteenth Century, 86-8.
    • 11H The alternative was often a wreck or hostile reception in Scotland: Calendar of State Papers Relating to Ireland, ed. H. C. Hamilton et al. (1860-1910), xiii, 117-18; xiv, 496-7.
    • 119 HMC, Cecil Papers, ix, 100.
    • 120 Acts of the Privy Council of England, ed. J. R. Dascent et al. (London, 1890- ) [APC], 1599-1600,88-9,675-6,681.
    • 121 LP Henry VIlI, xix(1), nos. 315, 343.
    • 122 HMC, 6th Report, App. VI, 444; LP Henry VIIl, vi, no. 610.
    • 123 Ibid., xv, no. 831(78).
    • 124 APC, 1547-50,492; Macinnes, 'Scotland and Manx Connection', 372; Calendar of State Papers Relating to Scotland and Mary, Queen of Scots [CSP Scot.], i, nos. 37, 39; Monurnenta, iii, 51.
    • 135 CSPD 1547-1625, vii, 392-3.
    • 136 Ibid, 361-3; HMC, Cecil Papers, i, 518 (confessionof Sir Edward Stanley,Aug. 1571).
    • 137 J. R. Dickinson, 'The earl of Derby and the Isle of Man, 1643-1651', Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire [THSLC], cxli (1991).
    • 13H John Spalding quoted from 'A Declaration of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament concerning the rise and progress of the Grand Rebellion in Ireland' ofJuly 1643, which referred to his (abortive) arrival: Memorialls of the Trubles in Scotland and in England AD 1624-AD 1645, ed. J. Stuart (Spalding Club, 1850-1), ii, 243. Cf. J. H. Ohlmeyer, Civil War and Restoration in the Three Stuart Kingdoms: The Career of Randal MacDonnell, Marquis of Antrim, 1609-1683 (Cambridge, 1993), 117-25, esp. 121.
    • 139'0 Scot if thou wert worthy in the course of thine embassy to come hither, why didst thou not remain and be a king as thou wert 0 king, and as the son of the king of Norway did?': Thomason, 'Manx Traditionary Ballad', 62-3.
    • 140 The conflation of events and personalities in the ballad then allows a move to discuss 'the fair maid ... who came of the seed of the king of Norway and who was daughter to king Orry'; ibid., 63-4. The transition to English lordship is handled in terms of continuity: '[the English king] married her as was fitting - she was [of] the lineage of Norway, Orry's daughter - to Sir William de Montague' (p.66).
    • 141 The two versions of the ballad give slightly different accounts: 'Upon Scotsmen he [Thomas Stanley] avenged a sudden attack and went across to Kirkcudbright and wrought such a destruction of houses that some of them there are still roofless'; 'When he came into the island to us he did not stay with us long [before he went and] burnt the seven farmsteads of Kirkcudbright, and some of them are still there roofless': ibid., 76.
    • 142 Monumenta, iii, 10-12; 13-18. Others used the title too: papal letters to William Ie Scrope had been addressed to the lord of the kingdom of Man and the Isles in 1392: CPL, iv, 432-3.
    • 143 On 12jun. 1531, perhaps to celebrate the return of the island's own lord, Thomas Shirburne was referred to in the records of the lord's court in Man as lieutenant 'illustrissimi domini Edwardi comitis Derbie domini Stanley Mannie et Insularum de insula sua Mannie': Douglas, Isle of Man, Manx National Heritage Museum and Library, Books of Pleas of the Manx Courts ('Lib. Plit.'), 1531, unfoliated. The commissioners of Edward, the third earl, described him as 'Lord of Mann and the Isles' in a book of orders made at Castle Rushen, 16 jul. 1561: G. jefferson, The Lex Scripta of the Isle of Man (Douglas, 1819),38-45.
    • 144 E.g., the grant of the stewardship of Northwich (Cheshire), to Richard Sneyde, 20 Aug. 1511: HMC, 10th Report, App. IV, 60.
    • 145 E.g., an indenture made by Sir Thomas Langton with Thomas Stanley Lord Mounteagle, Bishop Thomas Stanley, and William Fleetwood, on 4 Aug. 1558: The Stanley Papers, vol. II, ed. F. R. Raine (Chetham Soc., 1853),97.
    • 146 On 27 May 1539, the lord's attorney was described as the attorney domini Regis in the Manx court records: Manx National Heritage Museum and Library, Books of Pleas of the Manx Courts, in a book allocated to 1538. In the poetry of Robert Codrington, as late as 1637, the countess was referred to as queen: HMC, Hastings Papers, iv, 341-2 (lowe this reference to my student Katharine Walker).
    • 147 On 2 jan. 1546, Gardiner, Thirlby and Carne wrote to Henry explaining that the imperial side to the negotiations argued that although the article did not mention Berwick, Guernsey, jersey, and Man, they were to be 'taken as the same condition as the other be'. Otherwise the clause wasas the king wished it, although, as in the treaty of Cambrai, Ireland was not referred to as a kingdom: LP Henry VIII, xxi(1),nos. 8, 71.
    • 14H D. M. Woodward, 'The Chester leather industry, 1558-1625', THSLC, cxix (1967), 71 (citing PRO, EI90/1326/6), 72; a certain amount of tallow was also imported from Man (p.74). Wine was brought to Chester in the Michel of Man, master Edward Wyley, inJu!' 1541: PRO, EI22/3I/IA.
    • 149 R. H. Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet arui Tudor Reigns (Chester, 1894); J. A. Twemlow, 'Manx Notes from Tudor Liverpool', PIOMNHAS, new ser., ii (1923-6), 249-57.
    • ISO In 1512-13 the customs officer for Whithom accounted for arrears including £3 18s. for 'certarum cimbarum insule Mannie custumarum apud Quhitherne': ER, xiii, 576-7. A century later, the treasurer of Ayr accounted in 1607-8 for £3 from John Martene of the Isle of Man, for a licence to sell his baff arui hydis: Ayr Burgh Accounts, 234.
    • lSI Acts of the Lords of Council in Public Affairs, p. lxvii. Cf. the deposit of a hoard of English gold coins in c.151O:M. Dolley and A. M. Cubbon, 'The 1846 find of English gold coins from Seneschal Lane, Douglas' ,journ. Manx Museum, lxxxvi (1970).
    • 152 Selected Casesfrom Acta Dominorum C01u:iliiet Sessionis,jrom 27 May 1532 ... to 5July 1533, ed. 1. H. Shearer (Stair Soc., 1951), 17-20; Acts of Council (Public Affairs), 398.
    • 153 Ibid., 254.
    • 154 Just about the only relevant exception is that of Dumfries for 1578: 'An Introduction to the History of Dumfries', ed. R. Edgar, in Records of the Western Marches, i (Dumfries, 1915), App. B, 261-8. Cf. A. L. Murray, 'The customs accounts of Dumfries and Kirkcudbright, 1560-1660', Transactions of the Dumjriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Soc. [TDGNHAS], 3rd ser., xlii (1965).
    • 155 J. R. Dickinson, 'Aspects of the Isle of Man in the Seventeenth Century' (Liverpool University Ph.D. thesis, 1991),232-57. A particularly clear example of the disparities between Manx exports and English imports is provided by the wool trade. In 1593-4 the island exported 1,655 stones of wool; but only 281 stones were imported through Chester in 1592-3, with lesser amounts passing through Liverpool and Beaumaris: ibid., 249-51.
    • 156 Ibid., 300-2. After the Restoration, vessels departing from Manx ports accounted for about 10% of the heavy goods-carrying ships that traded into Dumfries and Kirkcudbright: figures from 1673-91 (where port of departure is known) given in T. C. Smout, 'The foreign trade of Dumfries and Kirkcudbright, 1672-1696', TDGNHAS, 3rd ser., xxxvi (1958-9), 41. For a list of shipping in the Dumfries burgh records, Jun. 1750-Jun. 1762 (in which the earliest mention of a Manx ship is in 1758-9), see A. E. Trucknell, 'Early shipping references in the Dumfries burgh records', TDGNHAS, 3rd ser., xxxiii (1954-5), 153. Already by this stage there were strong suspicions that the goods traded - skins and fish, the customary exports of the south-western counties of Scotland - were a cover for contraband. The attraction of Manx contraband was as strong in Galloway as it was in Liverpool. For the importance to neighbouring regions of trade in the 18th-century Irish Sea, see L. E. Cohen, 'Scottish-Irish trade in the eighteenth century', in T. M. Devine and D. Dickson (eds.), Ireland and Scotland, 1600-1850: Parallels and Contrasts in Economic and Social Development (Edinburgh, 1983), 151-9.
    • 1.';7 Barrie Dobson, in the face of counter-arguments from Anthony Goodman, convincingly argues that Cuthbert remained a powerful force in negotiations over Coldingham Priory in the fifteenth century: see A. L. Brown, 'The Priory of Coldingham in the late fourteenth century', Innes Review, xxiii (1972), 91-4; B. Dobson, 'The church of Durham and the Scottish Borders', in Goodman and Tuck, War and Border Societies, 144-7; and A. Goodman, 'The Anglo-Scottish Marches in the fifteenth century: a frontier society?', in R. A. Mason (ed.), Scotland and England, 1286-1815 (Edinburgh, 1987),28.
    • 158 In 1428James 1 granted general protection to strangers entering Scotland on pilgrimage to St Ninian's church; in 1516 Regent Albany did the same for all those coming by land or water, from England, Wales, Ireland, and the Isle of Man: RMS, ii, no. 107; E. G. Bowen, Britain and Western Seaways (London, 1972), 108.
    • 159 Pollard, North-Eastern England, 192-3; J. Hughes, The Religion of Richard III (Stroud, 1997), 6-7, 36-7, 106. For Richard's foundation at Middleham and Ninian, see 'The statutes ordained by Richard, Duke of Gloucester, for the college of Middleham', ed. J. Raine, Archaeological Journal, xiv (1857), 169. William Ecopp, rector of Heslerton, in 1472 left money for pilgrimage to a string of 18 shrines, mainly in northern and eastern England; the only one outside England was that of St Ninian: Testamenta Eboracensia, vol. III (Surtees Soc., 1864),201.
    • 160 The Life of Saint Werburge of Chester, ed. C. Horstmann (Early English Text Soc., old ser., 1887), 157 (II.761-2); d. p. 166 (I. 1034): 'Galway-Scot'.
    • 161 George Buchanan, The History of Scotland, trans. J. Aikman (Glasgowand Edinburgh, 1827),41-2.
    • 162 R. A. Curphey, 'The background to the disputed Derby succession, 1594-1612', PIOMNHAS, new ser., vii (1964-72),602-17; J. R. Dickinson, 'Eliza endangered? Elizabeth I, the Isle of Man and the security of England', PIOMNHAS, new ser., x (1989- ),123-40.
    • 16:; The jacobean Union: Six Tracts of 1604, ed. B. R. Galloway and B. P. Levack (Scot. Hist. Soc., 1985),209-10.
    • 164 Ibid., 1.
    • 165 Sir Thomas Craig, De Unione Regnorum Britanniae Tractatus, ed. C. S. Terry (Scot. Hist. Soc., 1909), 364-8. The other element of Boece's argument was that the Brigantes and Silures were Scots.
    • 166 D. Stevenson, Alasdair MacColla and the Highland Problem in the Seventeenth Century (Edinburgh, 1980),23.
    • 167 Moore, Sodor and Man, 85-6.
    • 16H .J. E. A. Dawson, 'Two Kingdoms or Three?: Ireland in Anglo-Scottish relations in the middle of the sixteenth century', in Mason, Scotland and England; J. E. A. Dawson, 'The fifth earl of Argyle, Gaelic lordship and political power in sixteenth-century Scotland', ante, lxvii (l 988).
    • 169 Stevenson, Alasdair MacColla; D. Stevenson, Scottish Covenanters and Irish Confederates (Belfast, 1981); D. Stevenson, 'The century of the three kingdoms', History Today, xxxv (Mar. 1985).
  • No related research data.
  • No similar publications.

Share - Bookmark

Cite this article

Cookies make it easier for us to provide you with our services. With the usage of our services you permit us to use cookies.
More information Ok