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Westbrook, N.; Dark, Ken R; Van Meeuwen, R. (2010)
Publisher: University of California Press
Languages: English
Types: Article
Subjects:
In Constructing Melchior Lorichs's Panorama of Constantinople, Nigel Westbrook, Kenneth Rainsbury Dark, and Rene Van Meeuwen propose that Melchior Lorichs's 1559 Panorama of Constantinople was created by using a viewing grid. The panorama is thus a reliable graphic source for the lost or since-altered Ottoman and Byzantine buildings of the city. The panorama appears to lie outside the conventional symbolic mode of topographical depiction common for its period and constitutes a rare "scientific" record of an encounter of a perspicacious observer with a vast subject. The drawing combines elements of allegory with extensive empirical observation. Several unknown structures, shown on the drawing, have been located in relation to the present-day topography of Istanbul, as a test-case for further research.
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    • 50. Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 10.
    • 51. Ibid.
    • 52. The Eskı Saray occupied approximately the present location of Istanbul University.
    • 53. Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 10.
    • 54. Ibid., 11.
    • 55. See Jonathan Bardill, “The Palace of Lausus and Nearby Monuments in Constantinople: A Topographical Study,” American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 1 ( Jan., 1997) 67-95.
    • 56. Robert Demangel and Ernst Mamboury, Le Quartier des Manganes et la Première Région de Constantinople (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1939), plates I, XII.
    • 57. See Alfons Maria Schneider, Byzanz: Vorarbeiten zur Topographie und Archäologie der Stadt (Berlin, 1936) (Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1967), 93 and plate 9.
    • 58. Manners suggests that the source for Vavassore's image was a drawing by Gentile Bellini (who stayed in Istanbul in 1479-80), transmitted through its reproduction in a now lost woodcut by the Florentine printmaker Francesco Rosselli. See Manners, “Constructing the Image of a City,” 93-94, note 29.
    • 59. Schneider, Byzanz, 91-92, figs. 45, 46.
    • 60. M. Lorichs (Lorck), Wolgerissene und Geschnittenes Figuren zu Roß und Fuß (1619). Mango notes that Rembrandt possessed a copy of this book, and may have used its illustrations on which to base his “Eastern” or Biblical figures. See Mango, introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 5.
    • 61. Fischer, Melchior Lorck, 1962, 24-25.
    • 62. Mango, Introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 5. Mango is referring to Karl Wulzinger, “Melchior Lorichs Ansicht von Konstantinopel als topographische Quelle,” in Theodor Menzel, ed., Festschrift Georg Jacob (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1932), 355-68.
    • 63. Recent evidence shows that the Fatih Camii reused walls of the famous church. See Kenneth Dark and Ferudun Özgümüs¸, “New Evidence for the Byzantine Church of the Holy Apostles from Fatih Camii, Istanbul,” Oxford Journal of Archaeology 21, no. 4 (Nov. 2002), 393-413.
    • 64. For discussion of this structure, see Rudolf Stichel, “Das Coliseo de Spiriti in Konstantinopel,” (2001). Stichel doubts the existence of this structure, arguing that the caption is an erroneous combination of “Colossus,” referring to a popular name for the obelisk of Theodosius in the Hippodrome, and “de Spiriti,” referring to the district in the vicinity of the Amastrianon that served as a site for executions. He argues that the depicted structure is a doubling of the Sphendone of the Hippodrome, explaining these errors as a product of the Vavassore view having been imperfectly copied from another source, possibly a six-paneled woodcut made by the Florentine artist and printer Francesco Rosselli, which in turn may have derived from an original source, possibly by the Venetian artist Gentile Bellini, who was commissioned by Sultan Mehmed II to prepare a series of paintings, including his portrait, and was present in Istanbul from 1479 to 1481. A differing interpretation is given by Striker, “Coliseo de Spiriti,” who argues for it being the remains of a Theodosian hippodrome in the vicinity of the Forum of Amastrianos. Striker dismisses as implausible the attribution in Berger, “Zur sogenannten Stadtansicht des Vavassore,” of the structure as the Myrelaion Palace.
    • 65. Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 13. See also Oberhummer, Konstantinopel unter Sultan Suleiman dem Grossen, for translations of Lorichs' Danish inscriptions.
    • 66. Mango, introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 5. See also Lorichs's drawing of a sarcophagus in Constantinople, cat. KKSgb5465, labeled as possibly of 1563, Staten Museum for Kunst, Copenhagen.
    • 67. Mango, introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 5. citing Wulzinger, Melchior Lorichs' Ansicht von Konstantinopel (1932), 355-68.
    • 68. Mango, introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 6.
    • 69. Wulzinger notes that the sheets from X to XXI presented difficulties caused by foreshortening, and deep recesses in the topography, necessitating multiple viewpoints to enable adequate description of the successive areas. See Wulzinger, “Melchior Lorichs' Ansicht von Konstantinopel,” 359-60.
    • 70. For a discussion of the origins of modernity in European architectural and artistic culture, see: Joseph Rykwert, The First Moderns (Cambridge Mass: MIT Press, 1980).
    • 71. See Pierre Gilles, The Antiquities of Constantinople, John Ball, trans. Ronald G. Musto (introduction and bibliography) (New York: Italica Press, 2nd ed., 1988); Kimberly Byrd, trans., Pierre Gilles' Constantinople (New York: Italica Press, 2008); Edward S. Forster, trans., The Turkish Letters of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq (Oxford: Oxford University Press,1968) 36-37.
    • 72. See, for example, Karen Burns, “Of Genre, Panoramas and 'J. N. L. Durand',” in John Macarthur, ed., Knowledge and/or/of Experience (Brisbane: Institute of Modern Art, 1993).
    • 73. On this subject of the eighteenth- to nineteenth-century panorama, see Reinhold Schiffer, Oriental Panorama: British Travellers in the 19th Century (Internationale Forschungen zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Literaturwissenschaft 33) (Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1999), 147.
    • 74. Lorichs's view over rooftops toward the column of Arcadius, viewed from the Elçı han, may well have been executed during this period of confinement.
    • 75. Manfredo Tafuri, “La 'Nuova Costantinopoli.' La rappresentazione della 'renovatio' nella Venezia dell'Umanesimo (1450-1509),” Rassegna 3, no. 9 (1982), 25-61.
    • 76. The term is taken (anachronistically) from Byron: “Fair Greece! sad relic of departed worth! /Immortal, though no more! though fallen, great!” (Lord Byron, Childe Harold's Pilgrimage 2.73).
    • 77. Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, Ambassades et voyages en Turquie et Amasie de M. Busbequius (Paris: Pierre David, 1646) (BML 319577), cited by Frédérique Hauville et al., Le Voyage de Constantinople (Paris: École Supérieure des Sciences de l'Information et des Bibliothèques, 2003).
    • 78. Manners, “Constructing the Image of a City,” 77.
    • 79. Ibid., 93.
    • 80. Ibid., 91-95.
    • 81. Mango, introduction, in Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama, 3.
    • 82. Wulzinger, “Melchior Lorichs' Ansicht von Konstantinopel,” (1932), see map.
    • 83. Ibid., 359.
    • 84. Ibid., 358.
    • 85. Oberhummer, Konstantinopel unter Sultan Soleiman dem Grossen, 1902, 13.
    • 87. The sheet numbering follows that given by Mango and Yerasimos, Melchior Lorichs' Panorama.
    • 88. Several working assumptions were used for the reconstruction of the theater. Based upon the deduction that there were 14 bays in the structure, we estimated the diameter of the structure as between 35 and 45 meters, assuming a bay size of 4 to 5 meters between the masonry piers depicted in the Panorama. Regardless of the size of the structure, its position was clearly located. Known examples in Istanbul of this building type have widely divergent dimensions: Semicircular portico of the Palace of Antiochos (width about 77 meters), semicircular portico of the seven-apsed triclinium north of the Palace of Antiochos (width about 47 meters), and curved portico in Gülhane Park (25 meters). In addition there were larger urban examples of the semicircular porticoes, or sigma. On this form as public monument, see Marlia Mundell Mango, “The Porticoed Street at Constantinople,” in Nevra Necipog˘ lu, ed., Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 29-51, here 33-37. She discusses a sixthcentury sigma-shaped portico at Scythopolis, incorporating shops, which has a diameter of approximately 50 meters (fig. 3a).
    • 89. For his working method, see: Wulzinger, “Melchior Lorichs' Ansicht von Konstantinopel,” (1932) 358, note 1.
    • 90. The Istanbul Municipality provides zoomable aerial map and photographs of the site at http://sehirrehberi.ibb.gov.tr/MapForm.aspx?&rw=28B&cl=571 (accessed 17 Dec. 2008). See also fig. 562 in Müller-Wiener, Bildlexikon (1977) showing one of the small mosques splaying away from the orientation of the Süleymaniye complex.
    • 91. Müller-Wiener lists the following structures on the site: Cankurturan (or Kâtib S¸emsüttin) mosque,Bâb-ı-Fetva, and Ag˘ a kapısı mosque. See Müller-Wiener, Bildlexikon, 1977, map, E5.
    • 92. As noted above, the semicircular structure is unlikely to correspond to the ruins described in Schneider Byzans, 93 no. 13, and drawn in Vavassore's view of Istanbul (see n. 49).
    • 93. See Paul Magdalino, “Aristocratic Oikoi in the Tenth and Eleventh Regions of Constantinople,” Nevra Necipog˘ lu, ed. Byzantine Constantinople (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 53-69. It should be noted that Magdalino places the palatial residences of “the Augusta Placidia, the Augusta Eudocia, and the Nobilissima Arcadia” close to the Mese, or main Byzantine road on the ridge of the hill, and south of the still-extant Aqueduct of Valens. The structures in Lorichs's view are depicted northwest of the Süleymaniye mosque, thus down the hill, and on the slope overlooking the Golden Horn.
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