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Searle, DA
Publisher: Cambridge : Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company
Languages: English
Types: Article
Subjects: mem_text_and_place
Research on veterans' associations in the Federal Republic of Germany in the early 1950s has so far concentrated on the activities of groups lobbying for improved welfare provision and the efforts to establish a unified soldiers' organization. The latter project led to the founding of the Verband deutscher Soldaten (VdS) in September 1951. As fears of a possible repeat of the Weimar experience with organized veterans were at their height in 1951, research deaing with political radicalism has focussed on events leading to the establishment of the VdS, but has not extended beyond it, either in terms of other associations or the period in which they were active. This paper takes one tradition association as a case study, that of the Traditionsgemeinschaft Großdeutschland, to examine how far prominent tradition associations became involved in radical politics and what attitude they developed towards the new democratic system and the politically charged question of West German rearmament. Despite a number of early indicators that suggested an anti-democratic, anti-state attitude might take root within the ranks of Großdeutschland veterans, the history of the association in the period 1951-54 shows that there was in actual fact a surprising rejection of National Socialist and radical, nationalist values. In addition to the varied and complex effects of the lost war and Allied occupation, one of the reasons for the over-estimation of the radical potential of not only this group of veterans, but also those in other tradition associations, was the erroneous assumption that the views of leading generals represented those of the rank-and-file.
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    • 2 Cf. J. Luvaas, The Mearsheimer Critique: A Pupil's Retrospective', Parameters XX (Mar. 1990), pp. 12f£; J. Keegan, 'Mounting an Offensive on a Scientist of War', Dai4y Telegraph 2 Mar. 1989. In the early 1950s Liddell Hart was criticized more generally for 'being lenient and too forgiving [towards the Germans]' (Col. RJ. Icks, 'Liddell Hart: One View', Armor LXI (Nov./Dec. 1952), p. 26).
    • 3 B. Bond, Liddell Hart: A Study of His Milita?y Thought (London, 1977), pp. 180-90, 215-37.
    • 4 JJ. Mearsheimer, Liddell Hart and the Weight of Histony (London, 1988), pp. 184-201.
    • 5 For further details on the extent of archive material available in Germany, see D. Krulger and D. Ganser, 'Quellen zur Planung des Verteidigungsbeitrages der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1950 bis 1955 in westdeutschen Archiven', Militdrgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 49 (1991), pp. 121-46.
    • 6 The number of m onographs on rearmament is limited. Cf. MJ. Lowry, The Forge of West C.rman Rearmament: Theodor Blank and the Amt Blank (New York, 1990); D. Abenheim, Reforging the Iron Cross: The Search for Tradition in the West Gsrman Armed Forces (Princeton, NJ, 1988); G.D. Drummond, The C.rman Social Dermocrats in Opposition 1949-1960: The Case Agaimt RearmaTmet (Norman, OK, 1982); J. Diehi, The Thanks of the Fatherland: C.rman Vetkram after the Second World War (Chapel Hill, NC, 1993). Of these works, Diehl's subject-matter is only very generally related to rearmament, Abenheim merely deals with the subject in the opening sections of his monograph, while Lowry and Drummond base their analyses on published sources alone. It is only with the recent publication of D.C. Large, Gemam to the Front: West C.rman Rearmament in the Adenauer Era (Chapel Hill, NC, 1996) that the Englishspeaking reader can consult a volume which integrates the social and political aspects of the question into the foreign policy picture.
    • 7 A recent work is S. Dockrill, Britains Poliqy for West Gsrman Rearmamet 1950-1 955 (London, 1991). A similar approach can be found in R. McGeehan, The Gsrman RearmaTmet Question: American Diplomacy and Europsan Defense after World War H (Urbana, IL, 1971), and, to a slightly lesser extent, in Col. S.M. Kanarowski, The G.rman Army and NATO Stratgy (Washington, DC, 1982), pp. 1-40. It would be inappropriate to provide a full list of German monographs here, but the following works are particularly noteworthy: D. Wagner, FDP und Wiederbewaffinung: Die weArpolitische Orientierung der Liberalen in der Bundesepuhlik Deutschland 1949-1955 (Boppard, 1979); A. Doering-Manteuffel, Katholizismus und Wederbewaffinung (Mainz, 1981); MGFA [MilitUrgeschichtliches Forschungsamt], ed., Anfdnge westdeutsclwr Sicherheitspolitik 1945-1956, I: Von der Kapitulation bAs zum PletnsPlan (Munich, 1982); II: Die EVG'PAse (Munich, 1990); III: Die NATO-Gption (Munich, 1993); H. Brill, Bogislaw von Bonin im Spannungsfeld zwischen Wiederbewaffinung - Westintegration - Wiedewereinigung: Ein Beitrag zur EntsteAungsgescAicAte der BundesweAr 1952-1955 (Baden-Baden, 1987).
    • 9 M.B. Sullivan, Thresholds of Peace: Four Hundred Thomand German Prsoners of War and the People of Britain 1944-1948 (London, 1977), pp. 231 f
    • 10 Liddell Hart Centre for Military Archives, King's College London (hereafter LHCMA), Liddell Hart Papers (hereafter LHP) 9/24/90, Wing-Commander N. Roffey (PID, Foreign Office) to Liddell Hart, 31 Jan. 1946.
    • 1 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Liddell Hart to Wing-Commander N. Roffey, 9 Feb. 1946.
    • 12 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Barry S. Sullivan to Liddell Hart, 9 Jan. 1946. Sullivan puts the number of visits at 16 (Thresholds of Peace, p. 233). However, after a thorough search of all the relevant files in the Liddell Hart Papers (9/24/90-154), it has only been possible to establish evidence of 15 visits.
    • 4 Liddell Hart's notes on these interviews are located in the Liddell Hart Papers at: 9/24/93 (Blumentritt), 9/24/125 (von Manteuffel) and 9/24/132 (von Rundstedt).
    • 15 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Liddell Hart to Capt. F.S. Kingston, 12 Dec. 1947, and 9 May 1949; B. H. Liddell Hart, The Other Side of the Hill: Germany/s Cenerals Their Rse and Eall with Their Own Account of Milita?y Eents 1939-1945 (London, 2nd enlarged edn, 1951), p. 8. Sullivan incorrectly identifies the interpreter as a Capt. Kingsford (Thresholds of Peace, p. 233).
    • 16 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, B.H.L.H., Report on Talks at POW Camps, 12 Jan. 1946, pp. 1-3.
    • 17 LHCMA, LHP 5/15, Liddell Hart to Dr Vermehren, 30 July 1948.
    • 8 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/132, B.H.L.H., Field-Marshal Gerd von Rundstedt's 70th Birthday, 12 Dec. 1945.
    • 9 Of course, in many conversations the emphasis was specifically on the conduct of a battle as seen through the eyes of a particular general. See e.g. LHCMA, LHP 9/24/101, (B.H.L.H.) Notes for History. Talk with General Elfeldt, 31 Dec. 1945, in which the Normandy battle was discussed.
    • 20 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/144, (B.H.L.H.) Notes for History, (2nd) Talk with General von Thoma, 20 Nov. 1945, p. 1.
    • 21 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/125, (B.H.L.H.) Notes for History, (3rd) Talk with General von Manteuffel, 17 Dec. 1945, Ardennes offensive continued, p. 5.
    • 25 Sullivan, Thresholds of Peace, pp. 327 f For biographical details on Faulk, and further information on his work with German POWs, see Imperial War Museum, Dept of Sound Records, Acc. No. 9743/06, transcript of taped interView with Lt. Col. Henry Faulk, n.d.
    • 26 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/155, Liddell Hart to Sir Hartley ShawcroSs, 11 Sept. 1945, and B.H.L.H., Notes for History. Talk with Sir Hartley Shawcross (the new AttomneyGeneral), 28 Sept. 1945.
    • 27 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/130, [B.H.L.H.] Notes for History. Talk with Generals Heinrici, Ro [e]hricht, and Bechtolsheim, 3 Jan. 1946, p. 1.
    • 28 Sullivan, Thresholds of Peace, p. 239. The correspondence between Liddell Hart and the War Office over the former's requests to be allowed to visit the generals ran on into 1947. See LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Liddell Hart to Maj. E. Topham (Island Farm, Bridgend), 1 and 11 Apr. 1947.
    • 29 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Brig. Hirsch (War Office) to Liddell Hart, 12 Mar. 1946.
    • 3310 LLHHCCMMAA,, LLHHPP 99//2244//9900,, WBairnrgy CS.oSmumllainvdanerto NL.idRdoeflfleyHatrot,Li9ddJealnl. H1a9r4t6,. 20 Feb. 1946.
    • 32 B.H. Liddell Hart, Jetzt drffen sie eden: Hitlers Generale bericAten (Stuttgart, 1950), translated by Generalleutnant a.D. Kurt Dittmar. A German translation of the first edition, also translated by Dittmar, had already been published the previous year in Switzerland under the title Die Strategie einer Diktatur: Aufstieg und Fall deutscehr Generate (Zflrich, 1949). For a typically positive reaction by a former professional soldier, see General der Artillerie a.D. M. Fretter-Pico's review in WeArwisenschaftliche Rundschau I (2) (1951), pp. 38 f.
    • 33 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/16, Brig. H.B. Latham to Liddell Hart, 19 Apr. 1948.
    • 34 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/16: Liddell Hart to Latham, 1 May 1948.
    • 3' In Dec. 1947 Generaloberst Gottfried Heinrici reported from the generals' camp at Bridgend in Wales in a letter to Liddell Hart that 'half of us has already gone home' (LHCMA, LHP 9/24/64, Heinrici to Liddell Hart, 31 Dec. 1947).
    • 36 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/53, GCOnther Blumentritt to Liddell Hart, 25 Apr. 1947.
    • 37 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/16, Walther Warlimont to Liddell Hart, 21 Oct. 1948, is a typical example, beginning 'As an old and grateful student of your military writings in pre-war times .'.
    • 38 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/16, Frido von Senger und Etterlin to Liddell Hart, 24 Aug. 1948.
    • 9 For a short but authoritative biography of von Senger, see F. von Senger und Etterlin, 'Senger', in C. Banett, ed., Hitlers Generals (London, 1989), pp. 375-92. Senger was a Rhodes Scholar at StJohn's College, Oxford, from 1912 to 1914. He impressed one staunch anti-Nazi who had spent the war in America as being a good Christian and devout Catholic when he got to know him after the war (author's interview with Dr Alexander B6ker, Munich, 12 Aug. 1996).
    • 40 Preface to the First Edition', in Liddell Hart, The Other Side of the Hill, p. 7.
    • 41 p. cit., p. 471.
    • 42 Mearsheimer refers to the critical reviews in the British press (Mearsheimer, Liddell Hart, pp. 185-7), but without noting that one of the reviewers, Robert Vansittart, was an arch-opponent of Liddell Hart's view of leniency in handling Germany. The review of the book certainly cannot be viewed outside the context of the debate on postwar policy towards Germany. Liddell Hart, writing to a German general in 1949, noted that in Britain there were 'those like Lord Vansittart [who] contend that the Germans are inherently aggressive, and that they regard fainess as a sign of weakness' (Institut fulr Zeitgeschichte, Munich (hereafter JfZ), NachlaB Leo Frhr. Geyr von Schweppenburg, ED91/38, Liddell Hart to Geyr, 28 Jan. 1949).
    • 41 'Mitschuld auf der anderen Seite. Die Ansichten Liddell Harts - die verhingnisvolle Entwicklung zum September 1939', Kieler Nachrichtn, 3 Sept. 1949.
    • 44 Dr H. Lindemann, 'Die Schuld der deutschen Generale: Eine deutsche Stellungnahme zu Liddell Harts Buch "The Other Side of the Hill"', Nene Zeitung, 29 Jan. 1949. The charge that some generals had collaborated with Liddell Hart in preparing the manuscript of The Other Side of the Hill seems well founded. It is clear that Kurt Dittmar, for example, produced a series of notes on one of the chapters (LHCMA, LHP 9/24/90, Sullivan to Liddell Hart, 9 Jan. 1946)4.
    • 4 Here it is worth noting the following lines from the dust-jacket description of jetzt dilrfen sie reden: The most eminent English military writer, whose books have for years attracted attention in Germany and have enjoyed a high reputation, has presented with his work, ... a gift to the world, in particular to us Germans, which does not only say to each reader something until now unknown and sensationally new, but it has also turned out to be the fint objective assessTmet of the Genan generals in the Second World War through a former opponent. The German generals and admirals have reported to him, the military specialist, in private discussions how the great struggle of the peoples took its course from their point of view, and Liddell Hart has ealuated their stateTme ts criticaly, but with great fairness and produced an account which is not only exciting, but equally serves the truth' (emphasis added).
    • 46 LHCMA, Bishop Papers, Maj.-Gen. Sir Alec Bishop, 'Look Back with Pleasure', unpublished memoirs, Jan. 1972, p. 109. Bishop's efforts were mentioned in a tone of gratitude by Kesselring in his memoirs as being the first push which led to the later improvement in conditions. See Generalfeldmarschall a.D. A. Kesselring, Soldat bs zum etzen Tag (Bonn, 1953), p. 452.
    • 17 According to a variety of postwar statements by Geyr, Bittrich was a chivalrous soldier and, moreover, had told Geyr in 1943 that he wanted to leave the Waffen SS, but had been informed by Himmler that he would not do so alive. See JfZ, ED91/14, Geyr von Schweppenburg, Eidesstattliche Erklirung, 9 May 1947 and 11 Sept. 1948. The background to the case can be found in more detail in untitled typewritten notes by Geyr of 1952, and Geyr, 'Der letzte deutsche kommandierende General in Frankreich', n.d. [1952].
    • 48 IfZ, ED91/38, Liddell Hart to Geyr von Schweppenburg, 31 May 1949.
    • 4 IfZ, ED91/38, Liddell Hart to Geyr von Schweppenburg, 4 Aug. 1949.
    • 50 Leo Frhr. Geyr von Schweppenburg, Der Fall Bittrich', Deutsche Soldatenzeitung, 1 June 1953, in which Geyr wrote that 'during the course of Bittrich's years in captivity, old comradesin-arms had lent their support, as well as former opponents such as Liddel[l] Hart.'
    • 51 Bundesarchiv-MilitUrarchiv Freiburg i.Br. (hereafter BA-MA), Nachla3 Blumentritt, N252/46, Liddell Hart to Blumentritt, 28 Mar. 1947.
    • 52 See e.g. the correspondence from General der Artillerie Anton von Bechtolsheim on food shortages and war crimes, LHCMA, LHP 9/24/51, von Bechtolsheim to Liddell Hart, 6 June 1948 and 22 July 1949. On the issue of the denial of pensions to former professional soldiers, see the letters from Geyr von Schweppenburg, LHCMA, LHP 9/24/61, Geyr von Schweppenburg to Liddell Hart, 3 and 22 Jan. 1949.
    • 53 BA-MA, N252/46, Liddell Hart to Blumentritt, 14 Dec. 1948.
    • 54 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/16, von Manteuffel to Liddell Hart, 9 Jan. 1949; emphasis added.
    • 55 In a review essay on memoirs by former military commanders in the foreign policy journal Aussenpolitik one writer even went so far as to assert: 'Without the book by the Englishman Liddle [sic] Hart, The Other Side of the Hih which has also appeared in German translation, the German people would have, until yesterday, remained in the dark as to the plans and intentions, the deeds, the performance of its military leadership in the Second World War' (HG.. von Studnitz, Bficher vom Kriege', Ausenpolitk: Zeitschrft fur inernationaleEragen III (June 1952), p. 405). See also comments to the same effect in C. Kobe, We die BundesweAr entstand. Erlebnie mit dem Konzpt der Ausbildung (Osnabrfck, 1985), pp. 19 f
    • 56 Transcript of author's interview with Dr A. B6ker, Munich, 21 Aug. 1995, p. 16, and, for the dating of the meeting, author's interview with Dr B6ker, Munich, 12 Aug. 1996. For the concern which the North Korean attack caused the Chancellor, hence making more comprehensible his step in contacting his otherwise arch-rival, Schumacher, see K. Adenauer, Erinnwrtrgen 1945-1953 (Stuttgart, 1965), pp. 346-9.
    • 17 For the m onitoring of mail, see K. H6fner, Die Aufrastung Westdeutschlands: WH/cmbildung Entscheidungsprozesse und Spielrdume westdeutscher Poliik 1945 bis 1950 (Munich, 1990), pp. 51-4. Obviously these security measures did not leave former Wehrmacht generals unaffected. General der Panzertruppe a.D. Hasso von Manteuffel, in a letter to Liddell Hart in April 1950, commented in a matter-of-fact tone, 'my mail is now being checked again by the British occupation authorities' (LHCMA, LHP 9/24/72, von Manteuffel to Liddell Hart, 27 Apr. 1950).
    • 8 See e.g. the following memoranda in LHCMA, LHP, 11/1948/6, B.H.L.H., The European situation - deeper currents, 7 Mar. 1948; 11/1948/19, B.H.L.H., Notes on the Russian forces (and those that could oppose them), July 1948; 11/1948/7, Notes for History. Talk with Martel. A. The present situation, 29 Mar. 1948.
    • 59 B.H. Liddell Hart, Will There Be War?', Picture Post, 24 July 1948.
    • 60 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/3, [B.H.L.H.] Note for History- 1 Feb. 1950. German Rearmament.
    • 61 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/22: [B.H.L.H.] The European problem, n.d. [1950].
    • 62 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/1B, Liddell Hart's continental tour, 1950.
    • 63 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/15, Speidel. Freudenstadt. 21 June 1950 [notes on conversation].
    • 64 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/15, Geyr von Schweppenburg. Ebenhausen. 24 June 1950 [notes on conversation].
    • 65 N. Wiggershaus, 'Die Entscheidung far einen westdeutschen Verteidigungsbeitrag 1950', in MGFA, ed., Anfange westdeutscher Sicherheitspoliik 1945-1956 i, p. 343.
    • 66 LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/15, Halder. Kbnigstein. 29 June 1950 (notes on conversation).
    • 67 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/72, Liddell Hart to von Manteuffel, 16 Aug. 1950.
    • 68 BA-MA, N252/4, Dittmar to Liddell Hart, 24 Oct. 1950.
    • 69 BA-MA, N252/19, Speidel to Blumentritt, 18 Sept. 1950.
    • 70 LHCMA, LHP, 9/24/93, Blumentritt to Liddell Hart, 19 Sept. 1950, enclosing untitled memorandum of 19 Sept. 1950.
    • 71 LHCMA, LHP, 9/24/80, Speidel to Liddell Hart, 27 Sept. 1950.
    • 72 Evidence of Liddell Hart's influence in personnel questions in the British army can be gleaned from his memoirs. See The Memoirn of Captain Liddel Hart (London, 1965), esp. vol. ii, pp. 1-124. His influence in personnel matters in the 1930s has also been noted by historians: H. Winton, To CAnge an Army: CEeeral SirJohn BurnetStuart and British Armoured Doctine4 1927-1938 (London, 1988), pp. 192-200; Bond, Liddell Hay4 pp. 88 f
    • 7' B.H. Liddell Hart, Zur militUrischen Weltlage', Aussenpolitk: ZeitscArftffir internationale Fragen I 1( 950), pp. 88-95.
    • 7' Capt. B. H. Liddell Hart, Soll Deutschland mitkimpfen? Vorteile und Nachteile auf callierte Waage", Oberhessische Zeitung, 18 Oct. 1950.
    • 80 Editorial: German Opinion', The Times, 19 Sept. 1951.
    • s1 B.H. Liddell Hart, letter to The Times, 22 Sept. 1951.
    • 82 B.H. Liddell Hart, Gedarken zur Veteidigrng Eumpas (Coburg, 1951), esp. pp. 48-50. The ideas for a gendarmerie, credited by Liddell Hart to 'a former Chief of the General Staff, can be definitively ascribed to Halder when one consults Liddell Hart's notes on his conversation with the former in 1950, to be found at LHCMA, LHP 11/1950/15, Halder, K6nigstein, 29 June 1950. The book is not based on any sections of Liddell Hart's 1950 work, Defence of the West, and the copyright references to the English original contain no details of publication elsewhere. Neither Bond nor Mearsheimer has made any reference to the book in their monographs on Liddell Hart.
    • 8 A. Weinstein, Armee oAne Pathos: Die deutsche Wiederbewaffnung im Until ehemaliger Soldaen (Bonn, 1951), with references to Liddell Hart on pp. 45, 116 f., 130f. It is interesting to note that on pp. 130 f£, a quote from Liddell Hart's Defence of the West is used to support the opinion of General der Kavallerie a.D. Siegfried Westphal that Ievery idea must proceed from the assumption that a defence has to be formed against red division[s] ... the structure, armament and the size of tactical and operational formations [cannot be conducted according to] ... the wishes of politicians who have to take account of their voters'.
    • 84 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/48, untitled typewritten note of 8 questions, headed 9 June 1952, Bonn.
    • 85 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/48, B.H.L.H., Note on talk with the German Chancellor (Dr Adenauer) at the Palais Schaumburg, Bonn, 9 June 1952, n.d. The Chancellor's record of the meeting is much more detailed, and can be consulted in Rudolf Morsey and HansPeter Schwarz, eds, Adenauer Teegespr&che 1950-1954 (Rh6ndorf, 1984), no. 32, 9 June 1952: Unterredung (Aufzeichnung vom lI Juni 1952), pp. 315-20.
    • 86 Public Record Office, Kew, F0371 /97979, Liddell Hart to Hankey, 10 June 1952.
    • 87 LHCMA, LHP 11/1952/9, B.H.L.H., Notes on London visit 1-3 July 1952, n.d.
    • 88 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/48, Liddell Hart to Adenauer, 5 July 1952, and Adenauer to Liddell Hart, 16 July 1952.
    • 89 LHCMA, LHP 11/1 952/ 1, B.H.L.H., Impressions from my Continental Tour, July 1952, pp. 1-3.
    • 90 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/80, Speidel to Liddell Hart, 15 Jan. 1953. Manteuffel also wrote to Liddell Hart in the same month, thanking him for his efforts on behalf of the German soldiers and noting that they had 'found great recognition on behalf of the soldiers here - unfortunately, we cannot thank you enough for thisU' (LHCMA, LHP 9/24/72, von Manteuffel to Liddell Hart, 2 Jan. 1953).
    • 91 [B.H.] Liddell Hart, 'Wenn ich russischer Generalstabschef waire', Spiege l4 Jan. 1953, pp. 26 f. With minor additions, an English version of the article can be read in B.H. Liddell Hart, Deterrent or Defence: A Fresh Look at the West's Milita?y Position (London, 1960), pp. 3-16.
    • 92 'Militlikritik. Liddell Hart: Ein Pfund Infanterie', Spiegel 14 Jan. 1 953, pp. 22-5.
    • 9 Liddell Hart was seen notably among former soldiers as a military historian of the highest order, and this led to pieces by him appearing in pages normally reserved for German writers (e.g. 'Rommel's letzter Schlag', Deutsche Soldaten-Zeitung II (May1953), p. 16). He was also frequently cited - e.g. in Generalmajor a.D. Hans Rumpf, 'Luftkrieg fber Deutschland', in Bilanz des zweiten Weltkrieges: Erkentnie und Verpfich,tung fr die Zukunft (Oldenbourg, 1953), pp. 173f.; Kesselring, Soldat bis zum letzten Tag pp. 455f. The Deutsche Soldatn-Zeitung, referenced immediately above, changed its title to Soldat im Volk, and should not be confused with the newspaper of the same name cited in n. 50 above.
    • 94 LHCMA, LHP 11/1953/3, B.H.L.H., Impressions of 1953 Continental Tour, 18 Aug. 1953, and LHP 11/1955/7, B.H.L.H., Conclusions from Continental Tour, 1955, Oct. 1955. The brevity of Liddell Hart's notes on these 2 visits implies that he had largely lost interest in the contemporary military debate in West Germany.
    • 9 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/88, Alec Bishop to Liddell Hart, 3 Nov. 1955, Liddell Hart to Hans von Herwarth (German embassy, London), 6 Nov. 1955, and, Liddell Hart to L.F. Behrens, 21 Nov. 1955.
    • 96 For the situation of demobilized German soldiers in the years immediately following the Second World War, see C. Meyer, 'Soldaten ohne Armee: Berufssoldaten im Kampf um Standsehre und Versorgung', in M. Broszat, K.-D. Henke and H. Woller, eds, Von Stalingrad zur WArungsrefour: Zur SozialgescAichte des Umbrtchs in Deutschland (Munich, 1988), pp.683-750; and Zur Situation der deutschen militTrischen Ffihngsschicht im Vorfeld des westdeutschen Verteidigungsbeitrages 1945- 1950/51', in MGFA, ed., Anfdnge westdeutscher Sicherheitspolitik 1945-1956 i, pp. 635- 52.
    • 97 Speidel's memoranda are reproduced in his memoirs, Am umerer Zeit. Erinnerungen (Berlin, 1977), pp. 454-96. Memoranda by Geyr von Schweppenburg can be found at IfZ, NachlaB Dr Dirk Forster, ED 134/19, in particular the untitled document of 7 Sept. 1949. For the background to the writing of Speidel and Geyr's memoranda for the Friedensbflro in 1948 and 1949, see R.G. Foerster, Innenpolitische Aspekte der Sicherheit Westdeutschlands (1949-1950)', in MGFA, ed., Anfdnge westdeutschcr Sicherheitspolitk 1945-1956 i, pp. 407-17.
    • 9 For the announcement of Schwerin's appointment, see IfZ, NachlalGerhard Craf von Schwerin, ED337/62, 'Militlrische Berater Adenauers: Der ehemalige General Graf von Schwerin als Sicherheitsexperte', Windhund, Aug./Sept. 1950, p. 1. On Schwerin's role as security adviser to Adenauer, see D. Krfger, Das Amt Blank: Die schwierige Grnndung des Bundesmin.serium far Verteidigung (Freiburg i.Br., 1993), pp. 17-28; Foerster, JInnenpolitische Aspekte', pp. 456-82.
    • 99 The acceptance by former high-ranking officers of the necessity of a 'commanding group' of former generals representing their interests, with Speidel and Heusinger at its head, can be seen in a letter from Alfred Toppe to Blumentritt: 'Our duty is, in my opinion, to produce a clear and unbiased assessment of the situation in terms of its precise military aspects. This can only be done by people of the calibre of Speidel, Brennecke, Heusinger, Blumentritt, who can guarantee objectivity. Other "pleasant" and "additional" personalities - regardless of how great their merits and qualifications are - cannot be trusted with specialized General Staff work' (BA-MA, N252/17, Toppe to Blumentritt, 9 Sept. 1950).
    • 100 BA-MA, N252/16, Wilhelm Schramm to Blumentritt, 6 July 1950.
    • 101 BA-MA, N252/19, Speidel to Blumentritt, 27 June 1950.
    • 102 BA-MA, N252/17, Toppe to Blumentritt, 26 July 1950.
    • 103 For evidence to support this thesis, see BA-MA, N252/10, Schramm to Blumentritt, 29 Aug. 1950, in which Schramm discusses writing a feature on Liddell Hart for the Munich daily newspaper Mitnchner Merkur.
    • 104 Rundstedt had been asked by the British to write his memoirs while he was still a POW, but had consistently refused. The British authorities had then approached Oberst a.D. Dr Kurt Hesse, who had in turn written to Blumentritt, the former suggesting that Desmond Young's Rommel biography ought to be supplemented with a biography of the venerable Field Marshal. See BA-MA, N252/2, Blumentritt (in English) to an unidentified 'Major', 13 Sept. 1950, and N252/8, Hesse to Blumentritt, 31 Mar. 1950. In fact, the Rommel biography provoked from a member of the Rundstedt family the comment that 'the propaganda has turned around completely and Young's Rommel book has received an excellent press' (BA-MA, N252/15, Dr Edith von Rundstedt to Blumentritt, 14 Aug. 1950), highlighting the suspicion that Blumentritt's biography was written with the sole intention of influencing public perceptions in Britain of German generals and the German army.
    • 105 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/93, B.H.L.H., Comments on General Blumentritt's book on Wvon Rundstedt', 11 May 1952, p. 1.
    • 106 . Blumentritt, Von Rundstedt: The Soldier and the Man (London, 1952), p. 10.
    • 107 LHCMA, LHP 9/24/93, B.H.L.H., Comments on General Blumentritt's book, p. 1.
    • 108 In 1932 a state of emergency was proclaimed by the government (under von Papen and General von Schleicher) whereby Rundstedt was forced against his will into political affairs for a few days in consequence of the position he held in Berlin at that time. He rose to the occasion and mastered the situation in a sphere that was foreign to him with tact and competence' (Blumentritt, Von Rundstedt pp. 26 f.). An accurate historical account of the events surrounding the removal from office of Otto Braun can be found in H. Schulze, Otto Braun oder Preufiens demokrastche Sendung: Eine BiograpAie (Frankfurt a.M., 1977), pp. 745-62. According to one military biographer, Rundstedt felt uneasy in his position as Holder of Plenipotentiary Powers for the Region of Greater Berlin and Brandenburg Province'. See C. Messenger, The Last Prussian: A Biography of Field MarshalOrd von Rundstedt 1875- 1953 (London, 199 1), pp. 56 f.
    • 109 BA-MA, N252/46, Liddell Hart to Blumentritt, 2 Mar. 1948, enclosing note headed, 'To whom it may concern': 'From my many discussions with General Blumentritt, as well as other enquiries, I formed the opinion that he had an exceptionally liberal and progressive outlook on political issues, and that his understanding of the real meaning of democracy was far in advance of most of those whom I met. I felt that he was one who might play a valuable part in the restoration of Germany on better lines .'. A note with identical wording can be found at BA-MA, NachlIaB Kurt von Tippelskirch, N281/7.
    • 11 BA-MA, BW9/1544, Max Schwedtfeger to Speidel, Bonn, 2 Sept. 1952, in which he refers to the evaluation of Busch given to Speidel by Liddell Hart, noting: 'I don't believe we can fit him into the office at the moment, but later a position will certainly be possible'.
    • l LHCMA, LHP 9/24/50, Bayerlein to Liddell Hart, 28 July 1952, and Liddell Hart to Bayerlein, 1 Aug. 1952.
    • 117 IfZ, ED91/333, Geyr von Schweppenburg to Heye, 24 July 1958.
    • 8 IfZ, ED91/33, Geyr von Schweppenburg to de Hinterhoff, 22 Dec. 1955. Geyr - who was a fiery anti-Nazi - writing much later, recalled an evening at Liddell Hart's house in the summer of 1954, in which they had sat in his studio until deep into the night, but where he noted with disapproval that there were 'photographs, with dedications, of prominent Nazi generals'. (IfZ, ED91/44, Geyr von Schweppenburg, Freie Jahre nach dem 2. Weltkrieg, ch. 19 of planned memoirs, unpublished TS, n.d., p.42).
    • 119 Geyr became acquainted with Liddell Hart during his time as military attach6 in London, 1933-37. According to Geyr's diary, he first met Liddell Hart on 18 Mar. 1935 (IfZ, ED91/7(2), Tagebuch far die MilitUrattach6zeit in London, Brassel und dem Haag), although it can be inferred from correspondence between the two in Liddell Hart's Papers (LHP 9/24/61) that they may have already met the previous year.
    • 120 A good example of the use of Liddell Hart's reputation as an impartial authority is the quotation by Geyr of a sentence from the writer's WAy Don X We Learn ftom History? in one of his early postwar memoranda. See IfZ, ED134/19, [Geyr] Gedanken flber Neutralisierug Gesamt-Deutschlands, Irschenhausen, 31 Mar. 1949, which begins, 'It is unrealistic to ignore military principles and conditions in taking political steps.'
    • 121 IfZ, ED91/33, Geyr von Schweppenburg to de Hinterhoff, 22 Dec. 1955.
    • 122 Young's biography was first published by Collins in 1950. In addition to Liddell Hart and leading British military personalities, the generals Fritz Bayerlein and Hans Speidel also assisted the author in his research (D. Young, Rommel (London, 1953), pp. 5f.).
    • 123 While newspaper reporting on former generals was not always positive, it is informative to note an article from the Manchster Guardian from Sept. 1950 in which the comment is made that the generals 'like, indeed, men of any profession - have their own trade union, exchanging family news and tactical titbits, scattered far and wide ... but very much alive and abreast of the times'. In fact, in the same positive tone, the correspondent continued, 'Those to whom I have spoken seem to be animated by no special desire for a "comeback", and have little in common with the
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